Lockdown measures have been introduced worldwide to contain the transmission of COVID-19. However, the term ‘lockdown’ is not well-defined. Indeed, WHO’s reference to ‘so-called lockdown measures’ indicates the absence of a clear and universally accepted definition of the term ‘lockdown’. We propose a definition of ‘lockdown’ based on a two-by-two matrix that categorises different communicable disease measures based on whether they are compulsory or voluntary; and whether they are targeted at identifiable individuals or facilities, or whether they are applied indiscriminately to a general population or area. Using this definition, we describe the design, timing and implementation of lockdown measures in nine countries in sub-Saharan Africa: Ghana, Nigeria, South Africa, Sierra Leone, Sudan, Tanzania, Uganda, Zambia and Zimbabwe. While there were some commonalities in the implementation of lockdown across these countries, a more notable finding was the variation in the design, timing and implementation of lockdown measures. We also found that the number of reported cases is heavily dependent on the number of tests carried out, and that testing rates ranged from 2031 to 63 928 per million population up until 7 September 2020. The reported number of COVID-19 deaths per million population also varies (0.4 to 250 up until 7 September 2020), but is generally low when compared with countries in Europe and North America. While lockdown measures may have helped inhibit community transmission, the pattern and nature of the epidemic remains unclear. However, there are signs of lockdown harming health by affecting the functioning of the health system and causing social and economic disruption.

BackgroundMany programmes on young people and HIV/AIDS prevention have focused on the in-school and channeled sexual and reproductive health messages through schools with limited activities for the young people's families. The assumption has been that parents in African families do not talk about sexual and reproductive health (SRH) with their children. These approach has had limited success because of failure to factor in the young person's family context, and the influence of parents. This paper explores parent-child communication about SRH in families, content, timing and reasons for their communication with their children aged 14-24 years in rural Tanzania.MethodsThis study employed an ethnographic research design. Data collection involved eight weeks of participant observation, 17 focus group discussions and 46 in-depth interviews conducted with young people aged 14-24 years and parents of young people in this age group. Thematic analysis was conducted with the aid of NVIVO 7 software.ResultsParent-child communication about SRH happened in most families. The communication was mainly on same sex basis (mother-daughter and rarely father-son or father-daughter) and took the form of warnings, threats and physical discipline. Communication was triggered by seeing or hearing something a parent perceived negative and would not like their child to experience (such as a death attributable to HIV and unmarried young person's pregnancy). Although most young people were relaxed with their mothers than fathers, there is lack of trust as to what they can tell their parents for fear of punishment. Parents were limited as to what they could communicate about SRH because of lack of appropriate knowledge and cultural norms that restricted interactions between opposite sex.ConclusionsDue to the consequences of the HIV pandemic, parents are making attempts to communicate with their children about SRH. They are however, limited by cultural barriers, and lack of appropriate knowledge. With some skills training on communication and SRH, parents may be a natural avenue for channeling and reinforcing HIV/AIDS prevention messages to their children.

This community-based, qualitative study conducted in rural Kisesa District, Tanzania, explores perceptions and experiences of barriers to accessing the national antiretroviral programme among self-identified HIV-positive persons. Part of wider operations research around local introduction of HIV therapy, the study involved consultation with villagers and documented early referrals' progress through clinical evaluation and, if eligible, further training and drug procurement. Data collection consisted of 16 participatory group discussions with community members and 18 in-depth interviews with treatment-seekers. Although participants welcomed antiretroviral therapy, they feared that transportation and supplementary food costs, the referral hospital's reputation for being unfriendly and confusing, and difficulties in sustaining long-term treatment would limit accessibility. Fear of stigma framed all concerns, posing challenges for contacting referrals who did not want their status disclosed or expressed reluctance to identify a "treatment buddy" as required by the programme. To mitigate logistical barriers, transportation costs were paid and hospital visits facilitated. Participants reported satisfaction with eligibility testing, finding the process easier than anticipated. Most were willing to join a support group and some changed attitudes toward disclosure. However, both experienced and anticipated discrimination continue to hinder widespread antiretroviral therapy (ART) uptake. While simple measures to reduce perceived barriers improved initial access to treatment and helped overcome anxiety among early referrals, pervasive stigma remains the most formidable barrier. Encouraging successful referrals to share their positive experiences and contribute to nascent community mobililzation could start to address this seemingly intractable problem.

Objective:To investigate the interplay between antiretroviral therapy (ART) scale-up, different types of stigma and Voluntary Counselling and Testing (VCT) uptake 2 years after the introduction of free ART in a rural ward of Tanzania.Methods:Qualitative study using in-depth interviews and group activities with a purposive sample of 91 community leaders, 77 ART clients and 16 health providers. Data were analysed for recurrent themes using NVIVO-7 software.Results:The complex interplay between ART, stigma and VCT in this setting is characterised by two powerful but opposing dynamics. The availability of effective treatment has transformed HIV into a manageable condition which is contributing to a reduction in self-stigma and is stimulating VCT uptake. However, this is counterbalanced by the persistence of blaming attitudes and emergence of new sources of stigma associated with ART provision. The general perception among community leaders was that as ART users regained health, they increasingly engaged in sexual relations and “spread the disease.” Fears were exacerbated because they were perceived to be very mobile and difficult to identify physically. Some leaders suggested giving ART recipients drugs “for impotence,” marking them “with a sign” and putting them “in isolation camps.” In this context, traditional beliefs about disease aetiology provided a less stigmatised explanation for HIV symptoms contributing to a situation of collective denial.Conclusion:Where anticipated stigma prevails, provision of antiretroviral drugs alone is unlikely to have sufficient impact on VCT uptake. Achieving widespread public health benefits of ART roll-out requires community-level interventions to ensure local acceptability of antiretroviral drugs.

Two years after the introduction of free antiretroviral therapy (ART) in Tanzania and in spite of the logistical support provided to facilitate clinic attendance, a considerable level of attrition from the program was identified among clients from a semi-rural ward. Qualitative research on ART patients' health-seeking behavior identified factors affecting sustained attendance at treatment clinics. A mix of methods was used for data collection including semi-structured interviews with 42 clients and 11 service providers and 4 participatory group activities conducted with members of a post-test group between October and December 2006. A socio-ecological framework guided data analysis to categorize facilitators and barriers into individual, social, programmatic, and structural level influences, and subsequently explored their interaction and relative significance in shaping ART clients' behavior. Our findings suggest that personal motivation and self-efficacy contribute to program retention, and are affected by other individual-level experiences such as perceived health benefits or disease severity. However, these determinants are influenced by others' opinions and beliefs in the community, and constrained by programmatic and structural barriers. Individuals can develop the requisite willingness to sustain strict treatment requirements in a challenging context, but are more likely to do so within supportive family and community environments. Effectiveness and sustainability of ART roll-out could be strengthened by strategic intervention at different levels, with particular attention to community-level factors such as social networks' influence and support.