Em uma audiência realizada em novembro de 2009 perante a Comissão Interamericana de Direitos Humanos, ativistas denunciaram a violência que as pessoas lésbicas, gays, bissexuais, travestis, transexuais e transgêneros (LGBT) enfrentam na Colômbia. Entre os fatos denunciados estavam o abuso policial, as violações sexuais nas prisões, os assassinatos motivados pelo ódio, bem como múltiplas formas de discriminação. Isso contrasta com a jurisprudência avançada da Corte Constitucional da qual decorre a proteção da livre opção sexual. A partir de uma descrição tanto da violência como das sentenças, este artigo analisa o papel simbólico do direito e argumenta que os ativistas têm uma relação ambivalente com o direito: ao mesmo tempo em que desconfiam dele, por sua ineficácia, mobilizam-se pela reforma legal e se beneficiam da jurisprudência progressista da Corte.

Colombia’s 2016 Peace Agreement with the FARC guerrilla extends beyond the end of the war and those measures for the disarmament, demobilization and reincorporation of former guerrillas. A large portion of the agreement is dedicated to the extension of the presence of the Colombian State into those areas of the country formerly under FARC control. The premise behind this extension, shared by Colombian elites as much as former guerrilla leaders, is that if the State remains absent then the areas will be occupied by criminal organizations interested in controlling the FARC cocaine trade, and, more generally, that the vast and sparsely populated territories will further descend into barbarism. This premise resonates with a long arc of persistent aspiration for a national identity that is shaped by the opposition between civilization and barbarism. Especially since the transformations effected by Colombia’s 1991 Constitution, the extension of civilization has been increasingly identified with the expansion of the rule of law and, therefore, with law’s mythical powers to order society and control barbarism. Under this premise, violence is equated to lawlessness and the remedy for violence assimilated to the expansion of the Estado social de derecho, the state form that embodies the rule of law in the Colombian Constitution. The foundational narrative of civilization versus barbarism, reflected by the hopes placed on the rule of law and the recipes for State-building by the 2016 Peace Agreement, continues to obscure the continuities between law and violence, and particularly the fact that the execution of legal institutions in formerly “lawless” territories maintains the violence of the moment of the adoption of legality. Both theoretical and empirical explorations of the present process of expansion of the Colombian State require critical examination of the hopes vested on law. A critical examination of this sort needs to engage with the continuities between law and violence explored in contemporary political philosophy and developed by Jean and John Comaroff’s ethnography. The productivity of this approach is highlighted by the essays in this dossier, which share the impulse to interrupt the foundational narrative of civilization and barbarism that remains in the institutions of Colombias’s present post-conflict endeavor.

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Bogotá). Lo hacemos a partir de datos cualitativos levantados en Bogotá durante un período de un año, entre 2011 y 2012, apoyados en algunos datos cuantitativos de la Encuesta Nacional de Demografía y Salud de 2010, que es representativa para la localidad. Concluimos que la vivienda propia tiene un efecto protector porque disminuye el estrés económico, aumenta el estatus de la mujer y facilita la solución del conflicto. Además, según los datos estadísticos, la vivienda propia está asociada, tanto nacional como localmente, a una prevalencia significativamente menor de violencia, con independencia de la riqueza. PALABRAS CLAVEViolencia contra las mujeres, derecho a la vivienda, pobreza y violencia intrafamiliar, métodos mixtos de investigación, Ciudad Bolívar.