Positive and negative moods tend to have differential effects on lexico-semantic processing in the native language (L1). Though accumulating evidence points to dampened sensitivity to affective stimuli in the non-native language (L2), little is known about the effects of positive and negative moods on L2 processing. Here, we show that lexico-semantic processing is differently affected by positive and negative moods only in L1. Unbalanced Polish–English bilinguals made meaningfulness judgments on L1 and L2 sentences during two EEG recording sessions featuring either positive- or negative-mood-inducing films. We observed a reduced N1 (lexical processing) for negative compared to positive mood in L2 only, a reduced N2 (lexico-semantic processing) in negative compared to positive mood in L1 only, a reduced N400 (lexico-semantic processing) for meaningless compared to meaningful L1 sentences in positive mood only, and an enhanced late positive complex (semantic integration and re-analysis) for L2 compared to L1 meaningful sentence in negative mood only. Altogether, these results suggest that positive and negative moods affect lexical, lexico-semantic, and semantic processing differently in L1 and L2. Our observations are consistent with previous accounts of mood-dependent processing and emotion down-regulation observed in bilinguals.

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We investigate how mood inductions impact the neural processing of emotional adjectives in one’s first language (L1) and a formally acquired second language (L2). Twenty-three student participants took part in an EEG experiment with two separate sessions. Happy or sad mood inductions were followed by series of individually presented positive, negative, or neutral adjectives in L1 (German) or L2 (English) and evaluative decisions had to be performed. Visual event-related potentials elicited during word processing were analyzed during N1 (125–200 ms), Early Posterior Negativities (EPN, 200–300 ms and 300–400 ms), N400 (350–450 ms), and the Late Positive Potential (LPP, 500–700 ms). Mood induction differentially impacted word processing already on the N1, with stronger left lateralization following happy than sad mood induction in L1, but not in L2. Moreover, regardless of language, early valence modulation was found following happy but not sad mood induction. Over occipital areas, happy mood elicited larger amplitudes of the mood-congruent positive words, whereas over temporal areas mood-incongruent negative words had higher amplitudes. In the EPN-windows, effects of mood and valence largely persisted, albeit with no difference between L1 and L2. N400 amplitude was larger for L2 than for L1. On the LPP, mood-incongruent adjectives elicited larger amplitudes than mood-congruent ones. Results reveal a remarkably early valence-general effect of mood induction on cortical processing, in line with previous reports of N1 as a first marker of contextual integration. Interestingly, this effect differed between L1 and L2. Moreover, mood-congruent effects were found in perceptual processing and mood-incongruent ERP amplification in higher-order evaluative stages.

Aims and objectives: We aimed to explore the relationship between mood and emotional word processing in the bilingual context, as modulated by participants’ gender. Methodology: We presented mood-inducing film clips to 28 female and 28 male unbalanced Polish–English bilinguals to put them in positive and negative moods. Participants were asked to decide if native language (L1) and non-native language (L2) single words were positive, negative, or neutral (an emotive decision task). Data and analysis: We analysed participants’ subjective mood ratings pre- and post-experimentally together with speed (a linear mixed-effects model) and accuracy (a generalised mixed-effects model) of their responses to single L1 and L2 words. Findings: The results revealed an interaction between mood and language as dependent on word valence, whereby faster reaction times (RTs) were observed to L1 than L2 neutral words only in a positive mood and to L2 positive words in a positive than negative mood. We also observed a response facilitation in a positive compared to negative mood, yet only in females. Finally, we observed faster and more accurate responses to positive and negative compared to neutral words, irrespective of gender and language of operation. Altogether, the results suggest that mood influences how unbalanced bilinguals respond to emotional words and shed a novel light on the role of participants’ gender in emotional word processing. Originality: This study extends monolingual research on emotional word processing to the bilingual context and shows how word valence modulates the way unbalanced bilinguals, being put in positive and negative moods, respond to L1 and L2 words. Our results also offer novel insights into research on mood and language, demonstrating that females can be more susceptible to mood changes than males. Significance: Our results highlight the importance of controlling participants’ mood and gender in research on emotional language processing in both monolingual and bilingual contexts.