Objectives. Previous general population survey research has found that, relative to monetary incentives, altruistic appeals are ineffective in increasing survey response and that offering additional monetary incentives is always desirable. We consider an alternative population-a pro-social population-and ask whether these same conclusions apply. Methods. To evaluate the relative effectiveness of different incentive strategies, we randomly assign individuals to one of five conditions. We consider altruistic incentives (a narrative appeal or a charitable donation) and monetary incentives (three separate lotteries). Results. Among pro-social individuals, "less is more": altruistic appeals are just as effective, if not more effective, than costly monetary incentives. Moreover, the simplest lottery structure (fewer large-payoff prizes) is the most cost effective of the lotteries. Conclusions. The target population of interest matters when designing survey incentive strategies. Moreover, increasing the incentives budget is not always beneficial.

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Forensic medicine became a recognised discipline in the nineteenth century, growing alongside the medical and legal professions. Very few medical men taught or studied forensic medicine at the start of the nineteenth century but by the end it was an integral part of medical education, and forensic science had begun to emerge as a separate discipline. This chapter focuses on the forensic expertise and practice of Leeds-based doctor, toxicologist, and lecturer Thomas Scattergood (1826-1900). Alongside his teaching career, he researched forensic techniques and acted as a consultant and medico-legal witness in criminal cases across the north of England.Scattergood's personal casebooks will be used as the starting point to explore the kinds of forensic techniques available in the second half of the nineteenth century. These volumes contain Scattergood's compiled notes on a wide range of potential forensic clues, including blood splatters, the effects of fire, water, lightning and earth on the body, knife or blade injuries, strangulation, chemical decomposition of bodies and a variety of poisonings. Case studies from his notebooks illustrate the scientific developments made in forensic medicine in this period. The casebooks also provide insights into the range of individuals involved in the business of medico-legal practice. Beyond his Yorkshire College-based laboratory Scattergood engaged with coroners, policemen, lawyers, judges, postmen, farmers and other doctors, among others, and he therefore lies at the heart of our work to unravel the networks involved in Northern forensic investigations.

In this paper I will identify the shared ancestry of two opposing paradigms in contemporary cognitive science, and argue that we can draw on this ancestry to help reconcile the two paradigms. The two paradigms are the computational and enactive approaches to cognitive science, and their shared ancestry is the cybernetics research program of the 1940s and 50s. I will first present the two paradigms and describe their contemporary opposition to one another, before exploring the cybernetic foundation that they both share. This, I will argue, contains much of the intellectual resources required in order to enable a fruitful reconciliation between the two paradigms. I will not attempt to fully articulate that reconciliation here, but I will conclude by suggesting a few promising avenues for future research. The computationalist paradigm that is currently dominant in the cognitive sciences, and especially in cognitive neuroscience, takes as its foundational assumption the idea that the primary function of the brain and nervous system is to perform computations (Piccinini 2012). Explanations of cognitive phenomena are given in terms of the performance of computations, and whilst there is some disagreement about the form that these computations take, it is agreed that the positing of computational mechanisms is a central feature of cognitive scientific explanation. Paradigmatic examples of this approach include Marr's theory of vision (1982), Fodor's language of thought hypothesis (1975), and more recently, connectionist and Bayesian interpretations of cognitive computation.

In the current era of increased security and with growing concerns about immigrant "others" present in both the United States and the European Union, this book seeks to answer two questions. The first relates to whether framing immigration policies as national security issues (termed "securitization of immigration") has actually enhanced internal domestic security. And second, has the use of these counterterrorist measures solved commonly related immigration problems such as higher numbers of illegal migrants, increasing ethnic tensions, and the appearance of homegrown radicals?Chebel d'Appollonia finds that this securitization of immigration has failed to achieve these goals, and, in fact, has made the security situation worse, on two continents. A central image in her analysis is a resulting spiral of insecurity created by these policies. First, governments reclassify immigrants and minorities as potential terrorists. This necessitates law enforcement to watch them, and, where appropriate, deprive these groups of their civil liberties through new security acts. As a result, a small minority of these groups is likely to become radicalized, which creates more distrust among the population at large and the implementation of new security measures.In order to analyze these main questions and further highlight this spiral, Chebel d'Appollonia examines them in three parts. In the first section, she provides a thorough literature review and investigates how this framing of immigration in terms of national security is nothing new. She debunks the commonly made assertions that recent immigrant groups pose more danger than previous immigrant waves through detailed historical examination of immigration and contemporary rhetoric thereof in both the U.S. and Europe. Then she studies pre-9/11 immigration policies to show how there has been a century of "special circumstances" which warranted policies to isolate and limit certain immigrant groups which were seen as possible enemies of the state. She concludes this section by reviewing the post-9/11 security measures in both the EU and the U.S. and shows that these events were used to support the ever-expanding "war on terror" and buttress immigration policies with no room for leniency, increased border security, and the presence of immigration controls beyond the border.In the second part, Chebel d'Appollonia outlines three main reasons how and why these new security policies enacted to escalated security, but generated new threats. The failures are related to increased border controls, implementing more security measures, and integration policies, all of which have all had unintended consequences that undermine the intended result. With the assistance of evidence from governmental reports, budgets, and national surveys, she makes a strong case for the policy failures. This failure is especially convincing in her analysis explaining radicalization of immigrant groups in the West and how the threat of terror is more likely to come from within than from abroad.The third section...