Cases of clear scientific misconduct have received significant media attention recently, but less flagrantly questionable research practices may be more prevalent and, ultimately, more damaging to the academic enterprise. Using an anonymous elicitation format supplemented by incentives for honest reporting, we surveyed over 2,000 psychologists about their involvement in questionable research practices. The impact of truth-telling incentives on self-admissions of questionable research practices was positive, and this impact was greater for practices that respondents judged to be less defensible. Combining three different estimation methods, we found that the percentage of respondents who have engaged in questionable practices was surprisingly high. This finding suggests that some questionable practices may constitute the prevailing research norm.

Context Identifying effective strategies for treating obesity is both a clinical challenge and a public health priority due to the health consequences of obesity. Objective To determine whether common decision errors identified by behavioral economists such as prospect theory, loss aversion, and regret could be used to design an effective weight loss intervention. Design 3-arm randomized controlled trial in which participants were randomized to either usual care (weigh ins once a month) or one of two financial incentives arms. One incentive arm used deposit contracts in which participants put their own money at risk (matched 1:1 by the study) which they would lose if they failed to lose weight. The second used lottery-based incentives in which participants who met the weight loss target had each day a 1 in 5 chance of winning a small reward ($10) and a 1 in 100 chance of winning a large reward ($100). All participants were given a weight loss goal of 1 pound per week for 16 weeks, and results were analyzed using intention-to-treat analysis of variance models. Setting Philadelphia Veterans Affairs Medical Center. Patients 57 patients with BMIs between 30-40 aged between 30 and 70, with no contraindications for study participation. Main Outcome Measures Weight loss after 16 weeks. Results Participants in both incentive groups lost significantly more weight than participants in the control group (3.9 pounds); (Lottery = 13.1 lbs; p-value for lottery vs. control .014; deposit contract = 14.0 lbs, p-value vs. control .003). 47.4% of deposit contract participants and 52.6% of lottery arm participants met the 16-pound weight loss goal compared to 10.5% in the control group (p-value 0.014.). By the end of 7 months, substantial amounts of weight were regained; however, incentive participants weighed significantly less than they did at the study start whereas controls did not. Low lost to follow-up rates (7.0%) during the weight loss phase of the study suggest that both incentive systems were successful in keeping participants engaged in the study. Conclusions Incentive approaches based on behavioral economic concepts could have a major impact in reducing the incidence of obesity-related illnesses.

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BACKGROUND: Previous efforts to use incentives for weight loss have resulted in substantial weight regain after 16 weeks. OBJECTIVE: To evaluate a longer term weight loss intervention using financial incentives. DESIGN: A 32-week, three-arm randomized controlled trial of financial incentives for weight loss consisting of a 24-week weight loss phase during which all participants were given a weight loss goal of 1 pound per week, followed by an 8-week maintenance phase. PARTICIPANTS: Veterans who were patients at the Philadelphia Veterans Affairs Medical Center with BMIs of 30-40. INTERVENTION: Participants were randomly assigned to participate in either a weight-monitoring program involving a consultation with a dietician and monthly weigh-ins (control condition), or the same program with one of two financial incentive plans. Both incentive arms used deposit contracts (DC) in which participants put their own money at risk (matched 1:1), which they lost if they failed to lose weight. In one incentive arm participants were told that the period after 24 weeks was for weight-loss maintenance; in the other, no such distinction was made. MAIN MEASURE: Weight loss after 32 weeks. KEY RESULTS: Results were analyzed using intention-to-treat. There was no difference in weight loss between the incentive arms (P=0.80). Incentive participants lost more weight than control participants [mean DC = 8.70 pounds, mean control = 1.17, P= 0.04, 95% CI of the difference in means (0.56, 14.50)]. Follow-up data 36 weeks after the 32-week intervention had ended indicated weight regain; the net weight loss between the incentive and control groups was no longer significant (mean DC = 1.2 pounds, 95% CI, -2.58-5.00; mean control = 0.27, 95% CI, -3.77-4.30, P=0.76). CONCLUSIONS: Financial incentives produced significant weight loss over an 8-month intervention; however, participants regained weight post-intervention.

Understanding the value that individuals assign to the protection of their personal data is of great importance for business, law, and public policy. We use a field experiment informed by behavioral economics and decision research to investigate individual privacy valuations and find evidence of endowment and order effects. Individuals assigned markedly different values to the privacy of their data depending on (1) whether they were asked to consider how much money they would accept to disclose otherwise private information or how much they would pay to protect otherwise public information and (2) the order in which they considered different offers for their data. The gap between such values is large compared with that observed in comparable studies of consumer goods. The results highlight the sensitivity of privacy valuations to contextual, nonnormative factors.