This review focuses on papers on Hate Speech, particularly in legal and communication studies indexed in Web of Science. It analyzes output published in English and in Spanish as well as surveys the predominant disciplines in which these studies are written, their trend over time, by country, and type of document. This research is extended to determine the debates, lines of work of greatest interest, and the theories elaborated. The legal literature is intended to define hate speech and hate crime for the purposes of applying criminal sanctions. From the communication standpoint, the analysis of hate speech in the media is key to understanding the type of message used, its emitter, the way in which the message rallies supporters, and how they interpret the message. Spanish studies mostly fall within the legal area, in which they focus on cases of insult directed at the Catholic religion. We discuss the importance of interdisciplinarity and transversality and propose a mapping of hate speech that lends itself to comparisons between countries to assess measures to counteract their effects.

Political polarization in Spain has been aggravated by a left-wing coalition government and the rise of the extreme right in the context of health and economic crisis created by COVID-19. This article delves into the collective story that memes offer of this context and aims to establish a categorization that can be used for comparison with other countries. We carried out a content analysis of 636 Spanish political memes published on Twitter throughout 2020. Current affairs were taken into account, as well as the frame, and rhetorical elements, references to popular culture, and symbols. We also took into consideration the objectives of the message and the presence of offensive content. We demonstrate that these memes do not play a subversive role, but rather contribute to the polarization and fragmentation of the digital public, echoing the existing ideological confrontation. They do not deliver new ideas, but only reproduce expressions and disqualifications already existing in the society, although the disinhibition of anonymity magnifies the intensity. Current affairs are an excuse to convey ideological position, and political communication becomes more emotional. There are no significant differences in terms of political polarization between left and right, and criticism toward politicians is mainly of personal and moral nature. Hate speech on other social media appears in these cultural creations, highlighting the misogyny toward women politicians regardless of their political party. The rhetorical and expressive resources are adapted to this confrontation, and there is little innovation because it is subject to the understanding of the message.

Este artículo analiza el recurso a la anticipación del futuro en la cobertura informativa que las cadenas generalistas de televisión españolas hicieron de la crisis de Irak hasta el estallido de la guerra (24 de febrero al 20 de marzo de 2003). Se realiza un análisis cuantitativo y cualitativo de los informativos de prime time de la cadena pública TVE 1 y de dos cadenas privadas, Telecinco y Antena 3. Se analiza el estilo, fuentes y consecuencias que estas referencias sobre lo venidero tuvieron en el modo de presentar la crisis en general. Se mostrará cómo utiliza el periodismo televisivo, en este período y sobre este tema, los presagios y cómo muchos de ellos fueron especulaciones sin base real. Su papel, en algunos casos, fue mantener el interés por el tema con un tono sensacionalista. En otros, adelantaba la guerra como única salida de la crisis.

This article analyzes the role of Spanish television in preparing children and young people for life in a society moving toward democracy after decades of authoritarian rule. The Spanish government, which had exceptional power over TVE, the country’s sole television network, hoped to use this medium to instill democratic values and convey a sense of normality. However, findings show that TVE’s new agenda was hampered by its programming requirements, responsibility as a monopoly to cater to the entire population, failure to understand the preferences and needs of young audiences, and emphasis on U.S. family-oriented series. Children’s and young people’s programming during the transition was a mix of innovative content and reactionary programs typical of the Franco era.