OBJECTIVES: Information provided by news media during an infectious disease outbreak can affect the actions taken to safeguard public health. There has been little evaluation of how the content of news published during an outbreak varies by location of the news outlet. This study analyzes coverage of the 2014 Ebola outbreak by one news outlet operating within a country affected by the outbreak and one country not directly affected.

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Temporary public art installations are an increasingly common sight in industrialized cities. This reflects local government and civic organizations’ interest in the potential social and economic benefits of art, as well as artists and curators’ interest in engaging “the public.” Yet little systematic social‐scientific attention is paid to the ways that public art, once installed, affects its site, and the ways that people interact with it. How can these artworks be understood as “public”? What kinds of urban publics do they produce? Approaching these questions as an urban anthropologist, I analyze ethnographic material from two pieces. One of these pieces was Kim Morgan's 2006 work Time Transit, a mixed‐media installation on an operational city bus in Regina, Saskatchewan, which invited passengers to co‐produce the art via text messages. The other piece was Situated Cinema–created by Tom Evans, Craig Rodmore, and Will Vachon in 2012–a demountable micro‐cinema that moved to different sites in Winnipeg, Manitoba, projecting short experimental films about cities. Analysis of the 3,960 text messages sent during Time Transit and interviews and observations conducted at Situated Cinema shows that each installation intervened in the socio‐spatial dialectic of its sites in original and sometimes unanticipated ways. Moreover, each produced and mediated public dialogue in a distinct sense and to different degrees. I conclude by reflecting on what an ethnographic approach can reveal about the publicness of public art—and what it might leave out.

Residents of Halifax do not perceive economic or social and cultural changes in their neighbourhoods; however, they do perceive those to the built environment.When residents of Halifax perceive changes in their neighbourhoods, they tend to be positive about them.Tabular and regression analysis show that sense of belonging increases positive perceptions of neighbourhood change and older age decreases positive views of change.Common stereotypes portray Atlantic Canadians as resistant to change. Our survey of Halifax residents challenges that view by assessing openness to three broad measures of neighbourhood change. Although most Haligonians do not perceive changes in their neighbourhoods, those who do generally perceive them for the better. Data show that sense of belonging to neighbourhoods and respondent age have a positive effect on perceptions of change. As Halifax neighbourhoods are transforming physically, economically, and socially, few Haligonians see that as problematic.

Scholars may no longer see cosmopolitanism as the preserve of the jet-setting elite, but they still tend to focus on international travel as the primary means of acquiring cosmopolitan competence. However, one should not confuse mindsets with mileage: if travel does not always generate cosmopolitanism, then neither is it a precondition for it, so stay-at-homes can become cosmopolitan too. This article draws on ethnographic fieldwork in multiethnic neighbourhoods of Montréal, Quebec, to show how cosmopolitanism can be produced and practised within the microcosm of the city. While international mobility is not necessarily part of these negotiations of difference, other kinds of spatial and social mobility are, especially intra-urban mobility and mobility of the imagination. Examining micro-cosmopolitanism at the urban scale, however, also reveals that practices of and aspirations towards cosmopolitanism do not necessarily coincide.