This article discusses the new microhistory of the 1970s and 1980s in terms of the concept of exceptional typical, and contrasts the new microhistory to old microhistory, in which the relationship between micro and macro levels of phenomena was defined by means of the concepts of exceptionality and typicality. The focus of the essay is on Carlo Ginzburg's method of clues, Walter Benjamin's idea of monads, and Michel de Certeau's concept of margins. The new microhistory is also compared with methodological discussions in the social sciences. In the mid1970s concepts like the micro-macro link or the microfoundations of macrotheory were introduced in sociology and economics. But these largely worked in terms of the concepts of typicality or exceptionality, and this has proved to be problematic. Only historians have developed concepts that escape these and the older definitions of the micro-macro relationship; indeed, the "new microhistory" can best be described in terms of the notion of "exceptional typical." The essay explores the meaning of this notion.

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One of the most exciting and most discussed economic theories is the one proposed by Max Weber in his essay The Protestant Ethic and the `Spiriti of Capitalism (1904Capitalism ( -1905. According to Weber, the Protestant ethic, a mode of behaviour whereby ascetic ways of life were motivated by Protestant theological ideas, had changed during the previous century into a 'spirit' of capitalism, a new lifestyle or ethos, in which hard work or accumulation could only be motivated with the most commonplace ideas about work and accumulation being their own rewards. Unfortunately, his argument was too complicated for his contemporary readers and was simplified along the Iines of an older model to that of the theory which we nowadays recognize as the Weber Thesis. This simplified version claims that Protestant religion (or the Reformation) was the cause of (or at least the most suitable religion for) Western capitalism. For some reason this latter version, which has lost ali contact with the historicity of Weber's concepts, has satisfied most social scientists. The case of economic historians is, however, quite different. The so-called Weber Thesis has been the target of criticism and protests from the ranks of economic historians throughout most the twentieth century. It is interesting to investigate how successful economic historians have been in their long dur& criticism of the Weber Thesis and if they have succeeded in bringing into the open items originally included in Weber's own thought about the change from the Protestant ethic to the ispirif of capitalism. Especially interesting is whether economic historians have used the more historical categories already proposed by Weber instead of the more universal categories and concepts preferred by other social scientists. Furthermore, does the criticism of the Weber Thesis imply that economic historians have had a better idea of what Weber thought as compared with other social scientists? Recently, however, a more toierant, even accepting, view of the Weber Thesis appears to have emerged within the economic historical literature. As well-known examples one could mention David Landes and Niall Ferguson, who have recently supported the idea that, because culture makes all the difference, also Weber's idea about religious attitudes as the catalyst for the rise of capitalism in the West should be given serious thought.

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