No abstract

The putative mating type locus of mucoralean fungi consists of a single high mobility group (HMG)-domain transcription factor gene, sexM or sexP, flanked by genes for an RNA helicase and a triosephosphate transporter. We used degenerate primers derived from the amino acid sequence of the RNA helicase to sequence a fragment of this gene from Mucor mucedo. This fragment was extended by inverse PCR to obtain the complete sequences of the sex loci from both mating types of M. mucedo. The sex loci in M. mucedo reflect the general picture obtained previously for Phycomyces blakesleeanus, presenting a single HMG-domain transcription factor gene, sexM and sexP in the minus and plus mating types, respectively. These are located next to a gene for RNA helicase. Transcriptional analysis by quantitative real-time PCR showed that only transcription of sexM is considerably stimulated by adding trisporoid pheromones, thus mimicking sexual stimulation, whereas sexP is only slightly affected. These differences in regulation between sexM and sexP are supported by the observation that the promoter sequences controlling these genes show no similarities. The protein structures themselves are considerably different. The SexM, but not the SexP protein harbours a nuclear localization sequence. The SexM protein is indeed transported to nuclei. This was shown by means of a GFP fusion construct that was used to study the localization of SexM in the yeast Saccharomyces cerevisiae. The fusion protein is highly enriched in nuclei.

Why do some countries have more skill-selective labour immigration policies than others? Despite general agreement that high-skilled immigrants are economically and socially desirable, some countries extensively select high-skilled from low-skilled labour immigrants, while others do not. While most political economy accounts indicate an explicit connection between relative skill selectivity and welfare states, two different hypotheses emerge regarding the direction of this relationship. The fiscal cost hypothesis puts forward that the tension between welfare state generosity and immigration motivates greater selectivity as states try to reconcile fiscal pressures for closure with continuing needs for immigration. The decommodification hypothesis, in contrast, holds that the capabilities of generous welfare states to decommodify their citizens also decrease rationales to be more skill-selective towards labour immigrants. Developing an original measure of skill selectivity in labour immigration policies for 20 developed democracies from 2000 to 2010, we test these two hypotheses. Our results indicate that differences in decommodification levels appear to be substantively and negatively associated with differences in skill selectivity levels, while changes in welfare spending over time, particularly among high-spending countries, rather than differences in spending levels, seem to be positively associated with increasing skill selectivity. This suggests potential tensions between the political responses to economic and demographic changes in the form of immigration policy adjustments and the underlying social logic of modern welfare states. The findings contribute not only to the study of high-skilled immigration, but also advance the current research on the tension between immigration and the welfare state.

What is the impact of religious repression on forced migration? While current and historical cases highlight the significance of state-sponsored religions repression, existing quantitative studies on forced migration have not sufficiently addressed the role of religion as a determinant of flight. We argue that religious repression undermines the quality of life, quality of religious observance, and physical integrity of religious communities, and therefore increases incentives to leave. We test this through a quantitative analysis of forced migration data from 1990 to 2008 and several measures of religious repression, using a negative binomial regression. We find that state-driven religious repression, in particular religious bans, tends to increase forced migration. These findings contribute to the body of forced migration literature and the study of religion and politics by demonstrating the significant effects religious repression has on this aspect of world politics.

High-skilled immigration (HSI) policy has become of increasing interest among immigrant destination countries, but success in establishing liberal policies has varied considerably across countries. Focusing on two reluctant immigration states, Germany and Austria, this article explains why HSI policy reforms in these two countries have led to starkly diverging outcomes. Whereas previous studies have concentrated on the politics of organized labor market actors and the market-institutional context in which they are embedded, this article contends that variation in HSI policy liberalization also reflects increasing politicization through issue linkage to adjacent immigration domains, in this case, immigrant integration policy. The findings challenge the predominant interest-group–centric work on HSI and show how arguments for and against liberalization can traverse immigration policy domains.