Riau Vision 2020, regional regulations on Lembaga Adat Melayu[LAM] Riau, the issue of sons and non-sons of the region in regional head elections are the main characteristic of the ongoing revival of the Political Identity of the era of regional autonomy in Riau. The Rise of Identity Politics in Riau is considered to be at odds with the nation-state whose essence is recognizing diversity. The politics of identity in this context is considered to jeopardize the development of the diversity-based nation-state [nationalism]. This research aims, firstly, to address the PoliticalIdentity relationship with the nation-state in Riau in an effort to prevent local disintegration.Second, explaining the main obstacles to the Political Identity relationship with the nation-state in Riau in an effort to prevent local disintegration. The Political Approach to Identity and Nation-State is used as a theoretical framework. This study uses a qualitative approach with descriptive analysis method. Data is collected based on documents supported by interviews. After collecting the data analyzed qualitatively. The results of the study concluded, first, that the existence of theRiau 2020 vision, and the Riau Malay Customary Institution as a forum for empowerment of ‘Malays’ in the context of the Politics of Identity and State-nation, kept the potential for ethnicideological conflict.The concept of ‘Melayu’ in the vision impresses the sultry between Malay [ethnic] and Islam [ideology]. The vision is the consequence of local-minority hegemony. ‘Melayu’,structurally and constitutionally suggests that Melayu Malays ’control, even though there are minorities if they are accumulated with other ethnic groups. Second, the various obstacles that occur in the relationship between the Politics of Identity and State-nation are, [1] Malays are interpreted as hegemony in terms of relative deprivation. [2] Structural and cultural constraints have an effect on the relationship between the nation-state and the Politics of Identity [the existence of Riau LAM suggests more superiority and cultural domination. [3] Shifting issues in Political Idenitas, does not work linearly due to institutional-based personal interests. Practically this research provides an important reference for the relationship between LAM Riau and local governments that can prevent local disintegration. Academically, the relationship between the nation-state and the Politics of Identity can be constructed into a model and approach that can anticipate potential identity conflicts, especially in Riau.

Esai ini berupaya menelaah hubungan kausalitas antara regulasi ketatanegaraan [keberadaan pemerintah pusat sebagai  negara dalam arti sempit  terhadap ‘PemerintahanAlam Melayu’], dan  corak  pemerintahan daerah  [berdasarkan  budaya politik lokal sebagai implementasi desentralisasi] di kawasan Riau Kepulauan yang  dianggap  strategis  secara geografis.  Esai  iniber  tujuan, [i] Menjelaskan faktor-faktor yang mendukung urgensinya mewujudkan ‘Pemerintahan Alam Melayu’ di Kepulauan Riau sebagai kawasan strategis.  [ii] Menjelaskan  implemen tasi ‘Pemerintahan Alam Melayu’ di Kepulauan Riau sebagai kawasan atau wilayah strategs. Hasil  penelaahan menunjukkan,  [i] Berdasarkan perspektif  Geo-politik  dan pola Hubungan Pusat-daerah, corak pemerintahan lokal sebagai upaya pelaksanaan desentralisasi di Kepulauan Riau adalah sebuah keniscayaan karena merupakan kawasan perbatasan yang strategis [ii] Berdasarkan kedua perspektif tersebut, esai ini menginisiasi studi akademis, dan formulasi kebijakan pembentukan ‘Provinsi Istimewa Melayu Riau Kepulauan’.

PT. Riau Andalan Pulp and Paper (RAPP) and the activities of Illegal Logging inthe period 2009-2010 the focus of mass media. The focus of the reports motivatedby contradictory realities. On the one hand for the first time since a RegionalHead of local autonomy (Regent) was convicted of corruption (graft) relatedlicense for utilization of timber forest products (IUPHHK) that led to the illegallogging activities that also involve PT. RAPP. While on the other hand, theMinistry of Forestry by SK MENHUT/327/2009, provides expansion of theSemenanjung Kampar to PT. RAPP considered problematic and potentially theactivity of Illegal Logging. This paper aims to, first analyze the media coverage ofIllegal Logging on the existence PT. RAPP in 2009-2010. Second, describe andanalyze the implications of the media coverage of Illegal Logging on the existencePT. RAPP in 2009-2010. This paper uses constructionist (media) and politicaleconomy communication as a theoretical approach. The results of the discussionshowed that, the first the relationship of Illegal Logging and PT. RAPP has beenconstructed by the media that shows if the presence of both (PT RAPP and IllegalLogging) in the year 2009-2010 run separately and not linked. The second, so thenews about the activities undertaken Illegal Logging ('alleged') in PT RAPP anissue of 'ambiguous' and different from each other. In this context, if the newsshowed Illegal Logging, rather than an integral part of the production process(activities) PT. RAPP.Keywords: PT. RAPP, Illegal Logging and Economics Political Communication

Keberadaan institusi Majelis Permusyawaratan Rakyat [MPR] dalam sistem dan politik hukum Indonesia era Reformasi sesungguhnya telah kehilangan eksistensinya. Ini disebabkan MPR pada era Orde Lama dan Orde Baru merupakan alat bagi kekuasaan (penguasa) untuk menjastifikasi kebenaran dalam mempertahankan rezim yang berkuasa. Sementara pada era Reformasi yang telah merubah politik hukum [reformasi politik hukum], MPR secara keseluruhan hanyalah institusi produk pemilih demokrasi yang ‘setengah aspiratif’, demokrasi perwakilan daerah yang tidak dapat secara langsung membuat dan menghasilkan regulasi [undang-undang]. Berdasarkan pada latar belakang yang dikemukakan, tulisan ini bertujuan untuk [i] Menjelaskan kedudukan MPR sebagai institusi negara dalam sistem dan politik hukum Indonesia; [ii] Menjelaskan kedudukan Ketetapan MPR dalam hirarki [struktur] Politik Hukum Indonesia. Berdasarkan pada penjelasan sebelumnya tulisan ini menyimpulkan dua hal. Pertama, sebagai institusi yang ‘setengah aspiratif’, MPR memiliki fungsi dan kewenangan sebagai ‘hakim permusyawaratan rakyat’ dalam menentukan [baik, buruk dan gagal atau berhasil] penyelenggaraan kedaulatan hukum pada masa depan. Kedua, oleh karena menjadi ‘hakim permusyawaratan rakyat’, maka produk hukum MPR dalam hirarki hukum jika UUD sebagai Konstitusional-Filosofis, maka Ketetapan [TAP] MPR dapat menjadi Legal-Konstitusional-Sosiologis sebagai landasan Menimbang dalam pembuatan kebijakan (ragulasi) terkait hal-hal yang khusus demi kemaslahatan rakyat.

Otorita Batam is a New Order institution ( assumed ORBA) still deputize regime of otoritarian Soehartowith three especial activity namely economics, political and inseparable law. System governance reformUUD 1945 cannot give impact to existence of Otorita Batam and make product institute of ORBA thisremain to be strong as a self-supporting institution. This research aim (i). Analysing and explainingposition of Otorita Batam at reform era in system governance of Indonesia. ( ii) Identify and factorsformulation causing the increasing of independence power of Otorita Batam reform execution era of areaautonomy in Indonesia. This research use approach of political and political economics of law. ThisResearch type qualitative. Method data collecting research of field, circumstantial interview anddocumentation with informan. While method analyse data use analytical discriptioin. Result of researchget, (i) The actor or importance group maintaining existence of Otorita Batam in system governance ofIndonesia. That is why policy of Otorita Batam which only in the form of Decision of President remain tobe defended, even contradiction and weaker than law. Whereas, cause factors gain strength of OtoritaBatam era execution of decentralization (local autonomi) caused its strong (ii) Domicile power of CentralGovernment and weaken law him Governance of Area and Otorita Batam at variance with LocalGovernment. Both this factor show if institute made in this ORBA represent the part of regime ofotoritarian which remain ( Neo-Soehartois). This reality bear term which is on a period of ORBA referredas ' state in state' and reform era referred as with ' state in local gorvernment'.Keywords: Otorita Batam, local autonomy and reformation