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The purpose of this article is to identify the phonostructural and lexical-semantic features of the Yakut-Mongolian lexical parallels, denoting the names of the horse coat color. It is known that the horse is a sacred animal in the Yakut and Mongolian culture and therefore the terminology of horse breeding is very developed and rich in both languages. In the furtherance of this goal, we used several methods of research; the main ones are component and distributive analyses. We used the component analysis to reveal the lexical-semantic feature of the parallels. The lexemes were divided into three groups: a) the stability of the lexical meaning of the word; b) a partial coincidence of the lexical meaning of the word; c) a noticeable change in the lexical meaning of the word. With the help of distributive analysis, we showed the phonostructural feature of the adjectives' names, denoting the name of the horse coat colors, and also revealed ethnocultural differences and similarities. As a result of the study, 13 Yakut-Mongolian parallels were found. As is known, there are about 200 kinds of horse coat colors, and to distinguish all of them, different nations use their complex adjectives. Therefore, the Yakut-Mongolian parallels are divided into 2 categories: one-component (9 items) and two-component (4 items). When analyzing the structural type of one-component lexical parallels, it was revealed that 4 out of 9 parallels were subjected to a structural change. Of the 5 parallels with the absolute coincidence of the structural types there are three Yakut stems: "sālïr ", "būlur", "kürӓŋ ", in all probability, they are late borrowings from the Mongolian language. Component analysis has shown that preservation of the stability of lexical meanings is noted in 31% (4) parallels, a slight lexical change occurred in 39% (5) parallels, notable lexical changes -in 31% (4) parallels.

В статье рассматриваются фоноструктурные особенности якутских наименований лекарственных и пищевых растений в сравнении с эвенкийскими лексемами. С глубокой древности растительный мир играет важную роль в деятельности коренных народов Севера. Лексика растительного мира якутского языка, в частности лекарственные и пищевые фитонимы, как отдельная лексико-семантическая группа вызывает огромный интерес в связи со своей малоизученностью. До настоящего времени якутская лексика растительного мира не являлась объектом специального научного исследования в сопоставлении с языком эвенков, проживающих по соседству на территории Якутии. Цель данного исследования - выявление фоноструктурных особенностей якутских наименований лекарственных и пищевых растений в сравнении с эвенкийскими лексемами. Материалом исследования послужили лексикографические источники по якутскому и эвенкийскому языкам, а также языковой материал, собранный нами в ходе полевых работ и экспедиционных исследований в районах Республики Саха (Якутия). В статье использованы сравнительно-сопоставительный, типологический, структурный, описательный и количественно-статистический методы. В ходе анализа было выявлено 25 основ, относящихся к якутско-эвенкийским лексическим параллелям, обозначающих наименования лекарственных и пищевых растений в рамках следующих тематических групп: «хвощ» (2), «боярышник» (4), «кедровый стланик» (2), «ягель / мох» (4), «красная смородина» (2), «осока» (2), «черная смородина» (2), «листвень» (3), «осина» (2), «ревень» (2). Фоноструктурный анализ лексических параллелей якутского языка в сравнительном плане с эвенкийским также позволил выявить устойчивость фоноструктурных оформлений основ; особенности изменений фоноструктурных типов якутских форм в сравнении с эвенкийскими основами; основные причины неустойчивости фоноструктур именных основ эвенкийского языка в якутском языке; соответствия согласных / гласных. The article considers the phonostructural features of the medicinal and edable plants’ names in the Yakut language in comparison with the Evenk lexemes. Since ancient times, plants have been playing an important role in the activities of the indigenous peoples of the north. The lexis of the Yakut plants (medicinal and edable phytonyms), being a separate lexical-semantic group, is of great interest due to its being studied rather poorly. The vocabulary of plants’ names in the Yakut language has not been the object of specific scientific research in a comparative aspect with the Evenk language until now. The purpose of this study is to identify the phonostructural features of the Yakut medicinal and edible plants’ names in comparison with the Evenk lexemes. Lexicographic sources on the Yakut and Even languages, as well as the linguistic material collected in the course of the field work and expeditionary research in the regions of the Republic of Sakha (Yakutia) served as the material for the research. The article employs comparative, typological, structural, descriptive and quantitative-statistical methods. The analysis revealed 25 main lexical stems related to the Yakut-Even lexical parallels, denoting the names of medicinal and edable plants within the following thematic groups: “horsetail” (2), “hawthorn” (4), “dwarf cedar” (2), “reindeer moss/moss” 4), “red currant” (2), “sedge” (2), “black currant” (2), “larch” (3), “aspen” 2), “rhubarb” (2). The phonostructural analysis of the lexical parallels of the Yakut language in comparison with the Evenk language also revealed the stability of the phonostructural designs; peculiarities of the changes in the phonostructural types of the Yakut forms in comparison with the Evenk stems; the main reasons for the stability of the phonostructures of the nominal foundations of the Evenk language in the Yakut language; consonant/vowel correspondence.

Knowledge and use of plants among the Sakha (orYakut) people are reflected in their naming practices for the plants according to habitat. The Sakha are a Turkic people with a total population of approximately 500,000, living primarily in the vast territory of the Republic of Sakha (Yakutia) in the Russian Federation, a region comprising Arctic and Subarctic zones. The Sakha plant lexicon encodes knowledge and cultural information about how the Sakha engage with their environment, as plants occupy an important place in their life. The present article represents an ethnolinguistic analysis of 43 plant names; these plants were chosen as their names indicate their habitats. We used a mixed-methods approach of linguistic analysis, ethnolinguistic fieldwork, questionnaires, and verification with published resources to understand the linguistic structure of the plant names, what they mean for users, and how the plants are used in traditional Sakha medicine, more broadly. We found that the names provide key information as to how to locate plants that have practical uses (as medicine and as food). Information from several unstudied dialects is also provided.