The article describes the latest developments of Islamic charities and their role as major non-state actors in Indonesia's field of social welfare. It considers debates about the practices of Islamic charity in colonial and post-colonial times when zakat (obligatory almsgiving) was conceptualized as social welfare and as a tool for social justice or as an instrument to implement the post-colonial state's development goals. We examine the contemporary popularity of sedekah (voluntary almsgiving) among Indonesian middle-class Muslims and the rise of Islamic charities that specialize in sedekah programmes. These charities use social media to document their activities and to raise funds, and have changed the discourse of almsgiving. We argue that the temporal logic of acceleration increasingly informs the field of social welfare in Indonesia today. Islamic charities display their efficiency, transparency, and the material rewards that sedekah practices bring to donors. Today, Islamic charity is no longer primarily associated with social welfare and social justice but increasingly with economic gain. Accordingly, charities are concerned with accelerating their aid and its mediation, emphasizing immediacy in order to appeal to donors who demand a quick, unbureaucratic conversion of donations into concrete help, and an immediate material and spiritual return on their 'investment'.
Because of experiencing discrimination, denial, stress, and rejection from prospective employers, disabled university graduates struggle to find jobs. By interviewing eight participants and conducting a focus group discussion with them at Sunan Kalijaga State Islamic University Yogyakarta, the findings revealed that the teaching procedures in larger inclusive classrooms seemed to be a barrier for most disabled university students. Consequently, the students needed vocational training in addition to their courses before integrating into the workforce. Recalling when being students, these disabled university graduates found it difficult to prepare for jobs that required math or science because their university courses had not included assistance with different kinds of media. Additionally, they did not feel prepared for writing curriculum vitae and preparing job applications. They indicated that the university setting did not prepare them to deal with the typically fierce competition in job markets. They also found getting a job in the labor market to be difficult because a scarcity of formal employment opportunities suitable to their fields, and employers do not provide feedback or even any reply at all, to their job applications. In summary, academic, social, cultural, economic, psychological barriers, and discriminatory practices were encountered for disabled university graduates seeking employment.
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