Objective Increases in childhood obesity correspond with shifts in children’s snacking behaviors and food portion sizes. This study examined parents’ conceptualizations of portion size and the strategies they use to portion snacks in the context of preschool-aged children’s snacking. Methods Semi-structured qualitative interviews were conducted with non-Hispanic white (W), African American (AA), and Hispanic (H) low-income parents (n=60) of preschool-aged children living in Philadelphia and Boston. The interview examined parents’ child snacking definitions, purposes, contexts, and frequency. Verbatim transcripts were analyzed using a grounded theory approach. Coding matrices compared responses by race/ethnicity, parent education, and household food security status. Results Parents’ commonly referenced portion sizes when describing children’s snacks with phrases like “something small.” Snack portion sizes were guided by considerations including healthfulness, location, hunger, and timing. Six strategies for portioning snacks were presented including use of small containers, subdividing large portions, buying prepackaged snacks, use of hand measurement, measuring cups, scales, and letting children determine portion size. Differences in considerations and strategies were seen between race/ ethnic groups and by household food security status. Conclusions Low-income parents of preschool-aged children described a diverse set of considerations and strategies related to portion sizes of snack foods offered to their children. Future studies should examine how these considerations and strategies influence child dietary quality.

BackgroundSnacking contributes to excessive energy intakes in children. Yet factors shaping child snacking are virtually unstudied. This study examines food parenting practices specific to child snacking among low-income caregivers.MethodsSemi-structured interviews were conducted in English or Spanish with 60 low-income caregivers of preschool-aged children (18 non-Hispanic white, 22 African American/Black, 20 Hispanic; 92 % mothers). A structured interview guide was used to solicit caregivers’ definitions of snacking and strategies they use to decide what, when and how much snack their child eats. Interviews were audio-recorded, transcribed verbatim and analyzed using an iterative theory-based and grounded approach. A conceptual model of food parenting specific to child snacking was developed to summarize the findings and inform future research.ResultsCaregivers’ descriptions of food parenting practices specific to child snacking were consistent with previous models of food parenting developed based on expert opinion [1, 2]. A few noteworthy differences however emerged. More than half of participants mentioned permissive feeding approaches (e.g., my child is the boss when it comes to snacks). As a result, permissive feeding was included as a higher order feeding dimension in the resulting model. In addition, a number of novel feeding approaches specific to child snacking emerged including child-centered provision of snacks (i.e., responding to a child’s hunger cues when making decisions about snacks), parent unilateral decision making (i.e., making decisions about a child’s snacks without any input from the child), and excessive monitoring of snacks (i.e., monitoring all snacks provided to and consumed by the child). The resulting conceptual model includes four higher order feeding dimensions including autonomy support, coercive control, structure and permissiveness and 20 sub-dimensions. Conclusions: This study formulates a language around food parenting practices specific to child snacking, identifies dominant constructs, and proposes a conceptual framework to guide future research.

Despite agreement that snacks contribute significant energy to children's diets, evidence of the effects of snacks on health, especially in children, is weak. Some of the lack of consistent evidence may be due to a non-standardized definition of snacks. Understanding how caregivers of preschool-aged children conceptualize and define child snacks could provide valuable insights on epidemiological findings, targets for anticipatory guidance, and prevention efforts. Participants were 59 ethnically-diverse (White, Hispanic, and African American), low-income urban caregivers of children age 3-5 years. Each caregiver completed a 60-90 min semi-structured in-depth interview to elicit their definitions of child snacks. Data were coded by two trained coders using theoretically-guided emergent coding techniques to derive key dimensions of caregivers' child snack definitions. Five interrelated dimensions of a child snack definition were identified: (1) types of food, (2) portion size, (3) time, (4) location, and (5) purpose. Based on these dimensions, an empirically-derived definition of caregivers' perceptions of child snacks is offered: A small portion of food that is given in-between meals, frequently with an intention of reducing or preventing hunger until the next mealtime. These findings suggest interrelated dimensions that capture the types of foods and eating episodes that are defined as snacks. Child nutrition studies and interventions that include a focus on child snacks should consider using an a priori multi-dimensional definition of child snacks.

Objective To examine the strategies and behaviors caregivers use to manage the household food supply when their children experience food insecurity as measured by the US Department of Agriculture’s Household Food Security Survey Module. Design Cross-sectional survey with open-ended questions collected in-person. Setting Urban and non-urban areas, South Carolina, United States of America. Participants Caregivers who reported food insecurity among their children (n=746). Phenomenon of Interest Strategies and behaviors used to manage the household food supply. Analysis Emergent and thematic qualitative coding of open-ended responses. Results The top three strategies and behaviors to change meals were 1) changes in foods purchased or obtained for the household; 2) monetary and shopping strategies; and 3) adaptations in home preparation. The most frequently mentioned foods that were decreased were protein foods (e.g., meat, eggs, beans), fruits and vegetables. The most frequently mentioned foods that were increased were grains and starches (e.g., noodles), protein foods (e.g., beans, hot dogs) and mixed foods (e.g., sandwiches). Conclusions and Implications Caregivers use a wide variety of strategies and behaviors to manage the household food supply when their children are food insecure. Future work should examine how these strategies might affect dietary quality and well-being of food-insecure children.

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