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Do nonselected lexical nodes activate their phonological information? Catalan-Spanish bilinguals were asked to name (a) pictures whose names are cognates in the 2 languages (words that are phonologically similar in the 2 languages) and (b) pictures whose names are noncognates in the 2 languages, if nonselected lexical nodes are phonologically encoded, naming latencies should be shorter for cognate words, and because the cognate status of words is only meaningful for bilingual speakers, this difference should disappear when testing monolingual speakers. The results of Experiment 1 fully supported these predictions. In Experiment 2, the difference between cognate and noncognate words was larger when naming in the nondominant language than when naming in the dominant language. The results of the 2 experiments are interpreted as providing support to cascaded activation models of lexical access. Following a seminal proposal by Garrett (1975Garrett ( , 1976, current models of speech production assume that lexical access occurs in two main "stages" (e.g.

Functional imaging methods show differences in the pattern of cerebral activation associated with the subject's native language (L1) compared with a second language (L2). In a recent PET investigation on bilingualism we showed that auditory processing of stories in L1 (Italian) engages the temporal lobes and temporoparietal cortex more extensively than L2 (English). However, in that study the Italian subjects learned L2 late and attained a fair, but not an excellent command of this language (low proficiency, late acquisition bilinguals). Thus, the different patterns of activation could be ascribed either to age of acquisition or to proficiency level. In the current study we use a similar paradigm to evaluate the effect of early and late acquisition of L2 in highly proficient bilinguals. We studied a group of Italian-English bilinguals who acquired L2 after the age of 10 years (high proficiency, late acquisition bilinguals) and a group of Spanish-Catalan bilinguals who acquired L2 before the age of 4 years (high proficiency, early acquisition bilinguals). The differing cortical responses we had observed when low proficiency volunteers listened to stories in L1 and L2 were not found in either of the high proficiency groups in this study. Several brain areas, similar to those observed for L1 in low proficiency bilinguals, were activated by L2. These findings suggest that, at least for pairs of L1 and L2 languages that are fairly close, attained proficiency is more important than age of acquisition as a determinant of the cortical representation of L2.

Previous research by Dupoux et al. [J. Memory Lang. 36, 406-421 (1997)] has shown that French participants, as opposed to Spanish participants, have difficulties in distinguishing nonwords that differ only in the location of stress. Contrary to Spanish, French does not have contrastive stress, and French participants are "deaf" to stress contrasts. The experimental paradigm used by Dupoux et al. (speeded ABX) yielded significant group differences, but did not allow for a sorting of individuals according to their stress "deafness." Individual assessment is crucial to study special populations, such as bilinguals or trained monolinguals. In this paper, a more robust paradigm based on a short-term memory sequence repetition task is proposed. In five French-Spanish cross-linguistic experiments, stress "deafness" is shown to crucially depend upon a combination of memory load and phonetic variability in F0. In experiments 3 and 4, nonoverlapping distribution of individual results for French and Spanish participants is observed. The paradigm is thus appropriate for assessing stress deafness in individual participants.