Abstract. Māori oral histories from the northern South Island of Aotearoa-New Zealand provide details of ancestral experience with tsunami(s) on, and surrounding, Rangitoto (D'Urville Island). Applying an inductive-based methodology informed by "collaborative storytelling", exchanges with key informants from the Māori kin groups of Ngāti Koata and Ngāti Kuia reveal that a "folk tale", published in 1907, could be compared to and combined with active oral histories to provide insights into past catastrophic saltwater inundations. Such histories reference multiple layers of experience and meaning, from memorials to ancestral figures and their accomplishments to claims about place, authority and knowledge. Members of Ngāti Koata and Ngāti Kuia, who permitted us to record some of their histories, share the view that there are multiple benefits to be gained by learning from differences in knowledge, practice and belief. This work adds to scientific as well as Maōri understandings about tsunami hazards (and histories). It also demonstrates that to engage with Māori oral histories (and the people who genealogically link to such stories) requires close attention to a politics of representation, in both past recordings and current ways of retelling, as well as sensitivities to the production of "new" and "plural" knowledges. This paper makes these narratives available to a new audience, including those families who no longer have access to them, and recites these in ways that might encourage plural knowledge development and coexistence. Whakarāpopototanga. Ko ngā kōrero tukuā-waha Māori oTe Tauihu o te Waka a Māui e whakaahua nei i ngā wheako o ngā tūpuna ki te/ngā taiāniwhaniwha ki runga i te motu o Rangitoto, ki tōna takiwā anō hoki. Mā te whai i tētahi pūnaha, ko tōna tūāpapa ko ngā tirohanga ki te hapori,ā, he mea tohutohu hoki e 'te tuku kōreroā-kāhui', i mārama ai iētahi whakawhitinga kōrero kiētahi māngai matua o ngā iwi Māori o Ngāti Koata me Ngāti Kuia, tērā tētahi 'pūrākau' i tāngia i te tau 1907, ka taea tōna whakataurite me tōna whakakotahi atu kiētahi kōrero tukuā-waha e ora tonu nei, kia whai tirohanga ai kiētahi aituā parawhenua waitai nui o nehe. Koēnei momo kōrero tuku he whai wheako maha, he whai tikanga maha anō hoki, mai i te whakamaumahara ī etahi tūpuna o nehe me ngā mahi i oti i a rātou, tae atu ki ngā kōrero mō te rohe, mō te mana, mō te mātauranga anō. Ko tā ngā mema o Ngāti Koata me Ngāti Kuia i tuku kia hopukinaētahi oā rātou kōrero tuku e whakaae nei, he hua nui ka puta i te whai māramatanga ki ngā rerekētangaā-mātauranga, a-tikanga,ā-whakapono anō. Ka whakawhānui tēnei mahi i ngā māramatangaā-pūtaiao, otirā, i ngā māramatanga o te Māori ki ngā pūmate o te taiāniwhaniwha (me ngā kōrero tuku anō). He mea whakatauira anō e tēnei, e whai kiko ai te whai wāhi atu ki ngā kōrero tukuā-waha Māori (me te iwi e honoā-whakapapa ana ki ngā kōrero), me aro pū ki te taha tōrangapū o te tū hei māngai mō tangata kē, ki ngā hopukanga kōrero o mua, ki ngā ara tuku kōrero anō o nāianei,ā, me aro pū hoki ki ngā k...

ABSTRACT 25Māori oral histories from the northern South Island of Aotearoa-New Zealand provide details of 26 ancestral experience with tsunamis. Exchanges with key informants from the Māori kin groups of 27 Ngāti Koata and Ngāti Kuia reveal that these histories, recorded in a narrative form, are not merely 28 another source of information about past catastrophic saltwater inundations but, rather, reference 29 multiple layers of experience and meaning, from memorials to ancestral figures and their 30 accomplishments, to claims about place, authority and knowledge. Notwithstanding these 31 confirmations, to engage as insider-outsiders with Māori oral histories (and the people who 32 genealogically link to such stories) requires close attention to a politics of representation as well as 33 sensitivities to the production of 'new' and 'plural' knowledge itself. Individuals and families from 34Ngāti Koata and Ngāti Kuia permitted us to record some of their histories. They share the view that 35 there are multiple benefits to be gained by learning from differences in knowledge, practice and 36 belief. This paper makes these narratives available to a new audience (including those families who no 37 longer have access) and recites these in ways that might encourage those more intimately connected 38 to know and transmit these histories differently. Ngāti Koata me Ngāti Kuia, i mārama ai ko ēnei kōrero tuku, he mea mau ā-pakiwaitara nei, ehara noa 43 i te puna kōrero mō te tai āniwhaniwha o nehe, engari kē, he mea whai tikanga maha, mai i te 44 whakamaumahara i ētahi tūpuna o nehe me ngā mahi i oti i a rātou, tae atu ki ngā kōrero mō te rohe, 45 mō te mana, mō te mātauranga anō. Hāunga ēnei whakaūnga, e whai kiko ai te whai wāhi atu hei 46 'rāwaho-whai-hononga' ki ngā kōrero tuku Māori (me te hau kāinga e hono ā-whakapapa ana ki ngā 47

This article aims to provide an indigenous Māori perspective on the history of scientific investigations, and more recent community collaborations, at an important ancestral Māori site in Aotearoa New Zealand. The first objective is to provide a perspective on the events surrounding the archaeological excavations and repatriation of kōiwi tāngata 'human remains' at Te Pokohiwi ō Kupe, also known as the Wairau Bar or "moa hunter" camp. The second objective is to reflect on the character and reputation of Hohua Peter MacDonald, a Māori elder and the principal opponent of the initial excavations in the 1950s. We do this by contextualising Peter's protests within a longer history of Kurahaupō 1 resistance to colonisation. We argue that despite a difficult history, Rangitāne and the scholarly community have reconciled many of their differences. Here we discuss research undertaken as part of the repatriation. Our last objective is to demonstrate how an increasing knowledge of the Wairau Bar community, one of New Zealand's first settlements, has spurred a renaissance within the ahi kā roa 2 community of the Wairau. Mitochondrial DNA sequencing, for instance, has led to a shift in focus from narratives that elevate male ancestors (Māori and Pākehā 'European') to narratives that retell the stories of female ancestors.The significance of Te Pokohiwi ō Kupe has been recognised for some time; indeed, a plethora of scholarly articles, books and book chapters confirm this. The origins of the people who first settled there, when they arrived, their means of subsistence and their material culture are questions that scholars have attempted to answer. This scholarship can be traced back to 1912to , when H.D. Skinner (1912) documented the 21 km of canals in and around the Wairau Lagoons. The "whence of the Māori" has entertained the thoughts of Europeans since the time of James Cook, but it was the accidental discovery of human remains by Jim Eyles in 1939 that brought Te Pokohiwi to prominence. For three decades following Eyles's discovery, human remains and artefacts were removed from the site, often under the supervision of professional archaeologists (

Important curriculum development work has progressed since the 2019 announcement that Aotearoa New Zealand histories would become compulsory learning across all schools. Much effort has gone into considering how learning ‘our’ histories can engage, inspire and empower children in schools through years 1 to 10, and recent writing has focused on how to address challenges in building knowledge and capability to meet those aims. However, what will be the effects beyond those years? Will students still be drawn to choose history in their senior school years, or will they be ‘over it’? In a quest to gauge the implications of the new curriculum, our research team surveyed secondary school history students on their motivations and areas of interest in learning history, and their views on Aotearoa New Zealand history becoming compulsory for Years 1-10. Findings from our research confirmed that students’ past engagement with history influenced their ongoing interest, motivation and understanding of the subject. However, the positive learning that had drawn them to history was often about everyone else’s history rather than their own. Students identified international histories – often involving war or conflict – as favourite topics. So, while most supported the implementation of the new curriculum, they equally expressed concern that the local focus should not be at the expense of wider perspectives. They felt history could become repetitive and boring; elements which could put students off engaging with history in future.  We conclude by presenting important considerations for ensuring such negative impacts do not occur.

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