The telling of a definitive life story presents some serious dilemmas (Bruner & Kalmar, 1998;Freeman, 1993). Can one's narrative identity be captured in a single, grand, synthesizing story? Consider your own response to a request to "tell your life story." Taken seriously, the question might prove impossible to answer satisfactorily. Part of the problem is in the singularity and finality of the phrase your life story-as if there could be a definitive account. The phrase presupposes a narrative that is linear, integrated, and coherent, with all the facts about your life neatly tied together with a golden thread, a single narrative voice. I think this assumption is problematic. A reasonable retort such as, "Which life story would you like to hear?"-or even the thought, "Of which self should I speak?"-are suppressed or circumscribed in the phrase your life story. The story you tell will probably be but one story from a number of possibilities, and therefore the life story could never be encompassed by a monologue. In what follows Thanks to Amanda Middleton and to "Charles," who willingly gave up his time and his stories. The

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Pornography use, preference for “porn‐like” sex, masturbation, and sexual and relationship satisfaction were assessed among two samples of men (NStudy 1 = 326, NStudy 2 = 335). Frequent pornography use was associated with sexual dissatisfaction, greater preference for porn‐like sex, and more frequent masturbation in both studies. Pornography use was associated with relationship dissatisfaction in Study 2 only. The data did not support the notion that pornography negatively impacts sexual or relationship satisfaction via preference for porn‐like sex. In fact, it may bolster sexual satisfaction by promoting sexual variety. The data were consistent with a model in which pornography negatively, indirectly affects sexual and relationship satisfaction via masturbation frequency. Pornography use may have multiple opposing influences on sexual satisfaction.

It is widely believed that the well‐adjusted individual has an integrated, coherent and autonomous ‘core self’ or ‘ego identity’. In this paper it is argued that a ‘multi‐voiced’ or ‘dialogical self’ provides a better model. In this model the self has no central core; rather, it is the product of alternative and often opposing narrative voices. Each voice has its own life story; each competes with other voices for dominance in thought and action; and each is constituted by a different set of affectively‐charged attachments: to people, events, objects and our own bodies. It is argued that by exploring these attachments the dominant narrative voices of the self may be identified. A semi‐structured interview protocol, the Personality Web, is introduced as a method for studying the dialogical self. In phase 1, 24 attachments are elicited in four categories: people (6), events (6), places and objects (8), and orientations to body parts (4). During interviewing, the history and meaning of each attachment is explored. In phase 2, participants were asked to group their attachments by strength of association into clusters, and multidimensional scaling was used to map the individual's ‘web’ of attachments. Using a combination of qualitative and quantitative methods, the strategy of clustering attachments was shown to be successful as a means for empirically examining the dialogical self. Two case studies of midlife adults are described to illustrate the arguments and methods proposed. Copyright © 2000 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.

Infrastructural changes were implemented on rural 80 km/h roads in The Netherlands in an effort to reduce speeding. The road infrastructure changes were designed to produce discomfort for the speeding driver by providing noxious auditory and haptic feedback. On experimental roads, smooth-surface road width was reduced by using blocks of gravel chippings placed along the centre line and at intervals on road edges. It was predicted that these changes would increase mental load while driving, and thereby decrease speeding. In a field experiment 28 subjects drove an instrumented vehicle over experimental and control roads. A decrease in driving speed and swerving behaviour was found on the experimental roads, and this was coupled with a decrease in heart rate variability, consistent with an increase in mental load. Roads in two different road-side environments (woodland vs. moorland) were also tested. There were differences in driver appraisal of the two environments, but no interactions were observed between these appraisals and driving performance on the experimental roads. It is concluded that the infrastructural measures have a useful role to play in road safety through a reduction in driver speeding.