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The notion of social capital has gained enthusiastic support from nongovernmental organizations, intergovernmental confederations, and supranational bodies such as the European Union, the World Bank, and the United Nations. They all believe that social capital might be a potent aid for democratization, for repairing defective democracies, and for undermining authoritarian regimes. This article examines whether social capital has such positive effects in countries where democracy is not yet established. Does social capital help in a country's move toward democratization, or is the link between democracy and social capital more dubious? Does social capital even contribute to the stabilization of nondemocratic regimes? This article analyzes 70 countries that participated in the third wave of the World Values Survey. The results are clear: Social capital functions as a stabilizer of authoritarian rule. Its effects are mainly negative. Social trust, in particular, might be a "key resource for the market economy and democratic politics" (Stolle, 2003, p. 19). In nondemocratic contexts, however, it appears to throw a spanner in the works of democratization. Social participation and trust, specifically, increase the stability of nondemocratic leadership by generating popular support, by suppressing regime-threatening forms of protest activity, and by nourishing undemocratic ideals of governance.

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This article questions one of the crucial issues of the current social capital debate: do voluntary associations necessarily contribute to the creation or maintenance of a civic culture? Based upon empirical and historical evidence this article demonstrates that associations' cultural spirit simply reflects and amplifies dominant cultural traits of a given time and a given society. Changes in public culture prompt changes in associative culture, and not vice versa. In other words, contemporary associations are more democratic and more civil because they exist within societies which are themselves more democratic and civil than societies of past times. Members in associations represent society's active parts; as activists they have a higher susceptibility to cultural trends and fashions. This susceptibility is the major reason for the modest but statistically significant relationship between membership in associations and a range of cultural attitudes. Zaller's concept of political persuasion is applied to explain the Zeitgeist dependence of voluntary associations.

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