ResumoO artigo estuda as características socioeconômicas, opiniões e preferências dos evangélicos no Brasil. Os dados mostram uma forte tendência deste grupo a opiniões mais conservadoras, comparado a outros grupos religiosos. O artigo utiliza os dados do ESEB 2002. Palavras-chave: Estudo Eleitoral Brasileiro; religião; comportamento eleitoral; evangélicos; cultura política AbstractThe article analyses the socioeconomic aspects, opinions and political preferences of the evangelics in Brazil. The data show in this group a strong tendency to more conservative opinions, compared to other religions groups. The data come from the 2002 Brazilian Electoral Study.

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This article examines whether the state, through conditional cash transfer programs (CCT), can reduce the poverty and extremely poverty in societies marred by high levels of income concentration. We focus on one of the most unequal countries in the globe, Brazil, and analyze the extent to which this country's CCT program -Bolsa Família (BF, Family Grant) program -is able to improve the life chances of extremely poor beneficiaries, through the three major goals of PBF: First, to immediately end hunger; second, to create basic social rights related to healthcare and education; finally, considering also complementary policies, to integrate adults into the job market. The analysis relies on a quantitative survey with 4,000 beneficiaries and a qualitative survey comprised of in-depth interviews with 38 program's participants from all the regions of the country in 2008, it means that this study is about the five first years of the PBF. In order to answer the research questions, we ran four probit analyses related: a) the determinants of the realization of prenatal care; b) the determinants of food security among BF beneficiaries, c) the determinants that adult BF recipients will return to school, d) the determinants that a BF beneficiary will obtain a job. Important results from the study are: First, those who before their participation on PBF were at the margins have now been able to access healthcare services on a more regular basis. Thus, the women at the margins who were systematically excluded -black women, poorly educated and from the North -now, after their participation in the CCT program, have more access to prenatal care and can now count with more availability of public healthcare network. Second, before entering the Bolsa Família program, 50.3% of the participants faced severe food insecurity. This number went down to 36.8% in very five years. Men are more likely than women; non-blacks more likely than blacks; and South and Centre-West residents more likely than Brazilians from other regions; to become food secure while participating in BF. Third, instead, that moment in 2008, a small proportion of the adult participants indeed were able to return to school and to increase their educational qualifications. The lack of technical skills and the huge predominance of informal employment are central social problems in Brazil and that the PBF has failed to address such issues. This study confirms what other previous studies have reported on: BF has had a positive impact in reducing poverty in the country. Hence the main contribution of the present study is in identifying the main determinants of unequal results among individuals participating in the BF program: why some, but not others, are more easily able to access the healthcare or to overcome food insecurity while in the program? KEYWORDS: conditional cash transfer programs (CCT); family grant; food security; extremely poverty in Brazil; social rights in Brazil.Recebido em 17 de Fevereiro de 2014. Aprovado em 30 de Março de 2014.

What beliefs do citizens who perceive levels of corruption in their countries to be of significance hold? Do those beliefs arise from their exposure to corruption? Furthermore, do perceptual and experiential corruption decrease the reservoir of legitimacy of a democratic regime? We attempt to answer these questions using the 2012 Americas Barometer survey of 24 Latin American countries. We find that whereas "rational-choice corruptors," males and, to a lesser extent, individuals with resources are particularly exposed to corruption, perceived corruption originates from a sense of impunity derived from a negative evaluation of the state's ability to curb corruption. In addition, we show that perceived corruption significantly decreases citizen satisfaction with democracy, but exposure to corruption does not. All in all, the policy implications of our study are straightforward: having an efficient and trusted judiciary is central to curbing both experiential and perceived corruption, even if it increases the latter in the short run.

O feminismo estatal prosperou sob a Presidência Lula? Este artigo analisa dois aspectos relativos à Secretaria de Políticas Públicas para Mulheres (SPM). Primeiro, o grau de comprometimento federal com essa agência. Segundo, o relacionamento da SPM com o movimento de mulheres. Utilizando-se de dados quantitativos longitudinais e de entrevistas em profundidade com femocratas e ativistas, este artigo indica que as Presidências Lula contribuíram para o fortalecimento institucional da SPM, dada a localização desta no aparelho de estado, seu status, e sua dotação orçamentária. Além disso, a composição interna da SPM, seus mecanismos de consulta e seu padrão de financiamento de projetos criaram uma dinâmica de cooperação (e não de cooptação ou captura) com o movimento de mulheres–algo visto como crucial ao êxito do feminismo de estado.