This article focuses on conjugal love as an articulated, lived emotion; on relationships between spouses within the context of the family; and on how these emotions and relations have changed over time in Palestinian refugee camps in Jordan. Based on interviews with four generations of Palestinian camp women, the article charts evolving marital patterns and attitudes toward marriage in relation to changing political circumstances and diverse influences. Particular emphasis is given to the third generation and the emergence of individualization of choice and its consequences. The influence of the family and the role of protection in the formation of conjugal bonds are also addressed.
In the intellectual and academic circles of the 1990s, the expression "Islamic feminism" simultaneously came into use in a number of different places around the globe. It first appeared in Iran, where a number of periodicals argued that clerics' sexist interpretations of religious texts had been incorporated into Islamic law. These publications spread works of Koranic interpretation (tafsir) by men and women alike as well as discussions of Islamic jurisprudence (fiqh) affirming women's rights. In particular, this school of thought asserted the right to engage in interpretation (ijtihad) that promoted gender equality, new roles for women in religious ritual and practice and changes in penal and family law and legal and political practice. The Iranian debate spurred the emergence of Islamic feminism as an intellectual movement. Articles published in the Iranian magazine Zanan ("Women"), which was created in 1992, opened up the prospect of a feminism that took Islam as the source of its At the same time, exiled female Iranian academics in the United States and Europe declared their adherence to the movement. In 1999, the sociologist Ziba Mir-Hosseini published a pioneering study of the religious debate in Iran 3 in which she analyzed the various currents of thought on gender within the theological seminaries of Qom and their bearing on public discussions of social and political issues in contemporary Iran. In her view, an "indigenous and locally produced feminism" 4 was emerging. Given its local character, this feminism was capable of reconciling principles that had hitherto been constructed in such a way as to bring cultural, religious and national affiliations into conflict with what was widely seen as a "Westernized" feminist discourse of women's rights. From the beginning of the 1990s, other women intellectuals from the Arab and Muslim world, including African-American theologian Amina Wudud, a convert to Islam, took part in this process of textual re-interpretation. 5 Some had even anticipated it: in 1978, the sociologist Fatima Mernissi challenged the authenticity of certain misogynist "hadiths" attributed to the Prophet. 6 Originating in intellectual and activist circles in the non-Arab Muslim world, the religious debate over feminism later diversified, becoming part of a broader reformist tendency within Islam. 7 Despite its innovative anchorage point in the cultural specificity of Islam and the fact that it emerged at a moment when the social sciences were increasingly influenced by subaltern and post-colonial studies, 8 the concept of Islamic feminism came under criticism from all sides. This was as much due to the ambiguous status of the discourse in which it was expressed (scholarly or activist?) as to the diverse array of actors who lead the movement (intellectuals, academics and/or activists). In fact, these same criticisms had been leveled at "feminism" tout court several decades earlier. Like other feminisms that have been described as "subaltern", 9 Islamic feminism has had difficulties establishing...
le s travaux sur la violence des femmes ou sur leurs rôles dans les luttes armées ont montré, dans la plupart des contextes, la difficulté à dire ou à penser ces actes au féminin 1 : la plupart du temps, les femmes sont envisagées comme des victimes ou comme des actrices de la paix ; plus rarement, elles sont présentées sous un jour monstrueux susceptible de rendre ces actes possibles. Des recherches récentes ont analysé leurs actions violentes en lien avec la question de leur émancipation, soit pour souligner l'exercice d'une capacité à agir (agency) féminine porteuse de changements 2 , soit pour interroger ou relever les limites d'une telle perspective 3. Plus que l'étude des ressorts des choix individuels, qui impliquent des intentionnalités et des attentes, il m'importe ici de comprendre, dans la durée historique (des débuts de l'occupation israélienne de la Cisjordanie et de la bande de Gaza, en 1967, à aujourd'hui), les transformations des subjectivités genrées des militantes palestiniennes en lien avec leurs mobilisations politiques et armées et leur passage par la prison en Israël 4. Je prendrai en compte Document téléchargé depuis www.cairn.info-Institut d'Etudes Politiques de
La question des liens familiaux des femmes et des hommes incarcéré.e.s, si elle est longtemps restée dans l’ombre, a connu un regain d’intérêt en France depuis une quinzaine d’années. Cet essor des recherches françaises résulte du croisement récent de domaines de la sociologie qui s’étaient jusqu’à présent développés séparément : la sociologie de la prison, la sociologie de la famille et la sociologie du genre. Il est également le résultat des évolutions en matière de droits des détenus (et, ..
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