This study examines how well disaster myths were rooted in Japanese people after the Great East Japan Disaster, as well as the effects of information sources on these misconceptions. Five common disaster myths are covered (panic, psychological shock, looting, increases in the crime rate, and material convergence), and information sources were divided into two types: public and private. Three hundred participants were asked how much credit they would give the five myths and which information sources they would rely on in post-disaster situations. The results found that, as in Western societies, these disaster myths do exist among Japanese people. Also, only public sources of disaster information, such as television and Internet news websites, had some effect on the degree of belief in disaster myths, while private sources, such as one's family, friends, and social networking sites, did not. Factors affecting the degree to which people believe in disaster myths are also discussed.

The present study examined association between anonymity and antisocial individual behavior without any influence from the presence of others. Anonymity was operationally defined as consisting of two components, nonidentifiability and nonaccountability. Antisocial behavior was defined as rule-breaking behavior seeking a monetary reward. It was hypothesized that anonymity would increase antisocial behavior among individuals. Undergraduate students (20 men, 50 women) were recruited from two psychology classes and were randomly assigned to four experimental conditions (Anonymous, Nonidentifiable, Nonaccountable, and Nonanonymous) to examine whether they would violate game rules to obtain the monetary reward through anonymity. Only participants in the Anonymous condition violated the rules to obtain the reward. Implications for the effects of anonymity on antisocial individual behavior are discussed.

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This study examined how pervasive disaster myths would be among disaster response professionals (n = 401) compared to lay people (n = 600), as well as sources of disaster myths among them. Results revealed that both of the groups believed five common disaster myths to some extent. Moreover, the mass media had a positive association with only one myth among these professionals, while the media was positively associated with all the five myths among lay people. In summary, the present findings indicated that disaster response professionals were not more insightful into all the myths than lay people, and that the mass media and popular culture were not the principal sources of the disaster myths among these professionals.

Purpose -The purpose of this paper is to explore what would make disaster donors different from non-donors, with particular attention paid to differences in two forms of donations: the monetary donation that directly benefits the beneficiary and the charitable donation that is used by charitable organizations to support their disaster relief activities. Differences in the perceived effectiveness of other disaster relief activities, skepticism about charitable organizations, disaster experience, disaster preparedness, and disaster insight were also examined between the two groups. Design/methodology/approach -A total of 300 Japanese participants were asked to complete a14-item questionnaire online. A series of comparative analyses were conducted to examine differences between donors and non-donors in the questionnaire items. Findings -Although non-donors evaluated the effectiveness of the monetary donation more positively than the charitable donation, donors evaluated the effectiveness of all the disaster relief activities more positively than non-donors. Moreover, donors were more prepared for disasters and more insightful into the current situation of the disaster victims than non-donors. Research limitations/implications -Along with the internal and external factors previously found, disaster awareness may be a key to increasing people's intention to donate for disaster victims. Such awareness could be fostered through successful disaster education and appropriate media coverage of disasters. Originality/value -The findings that non-donors generally have a less positive view of disaster relief activities imply that non-donors may be less knowledgeable than donors about how charitable activities can work and benefit disaster victims. IntroductionMillions of people have shown altruism and prosociality after the Great East Japan Disaster hit the northeastern part of Japan on March 11, 2011. More than a million people have been volunteering in Iwate, Miyagi, and Fukushima, three of the most disaster-affected areas in the country, since the disaster occurred (Cabinet Office, 2013). Along with volunteer activities in the affected areas, disaster relief donations have also been prominent in Japan. It is reported that the total amount of donations made by the general public has reached more than 440 billion yen (USD 4.4 billion), and three in four Japanese people have made some form of donations for the disaster areas and victims through disaster relief organizations, NPOs, and the affected local governments (Nikkei, 2012).Over the past decades, social scientists have been paying great attention to what factors influence people to donate for others. As for internal influencing factors,