Implementing performance management systems, including the KPI (Key Performance Indicators) system, at the university level faces many difficulties. The study aims to determine the problems of formation and implementation of the system of KPIs at the HEIs (higher education institutions) level based on the case study. Methodologically the study is based on the analysis of the case of the KPI system implementation at Vasyl’ Stus Donetsk National University (Ukraine) using a 3-year project survey of managers and employees of structural units about self-analysis of deviations and perception of each performance indicator. The essential subjective factor – irrational participants’ behavior – is demonstrated, reflected in their resistance, fear, and lack of acceptance of innovations in assessment processes, which needs to delineate tools for effective KPI system implementation (reduction of its negative influence and growth of the personnel loyalty). The main organizational obstacles that reduce such a measurement system’s efficiency are incomprehensibility, difficulty of evaluation, non-influence or independency of indicators from the efforts of respondents, poor communication, and motivation to achieve them. The analysis results allowed providing the recommendations that could contribute to the formation of reflexive and active management culture in the strategic management system and a culture of productive dialogue through vertically and horizontally management interaction.

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The paper is devoted to an analysis of the institutional mechanisms that ensure national security in the information space of several leading countries – the United States, the United Kingdom and the Russian Federation. It is stated that institutional mechanisms that ensure national security in the information space of the leading countries all have a similar structure. The main components of these mechanisms involve public authorities (state leaders – president or prime minister, government, ministries, and agencies), local government bodies, civil society institutions, the academic community, business community, and the media. The gradual expansion of the system of institutions that ensure national security in the information space and increase in their powers occurs in all these states. The analysis also demonstrates the paradigm shifts in the development and implementation of US and UK information policy in the context of modern nonlinear processes. Paradigmatic shifts are currently being reoriented towards the interests and needs of target audiences, diversification of channels and mechanisms of the distribution of meaning (strategic narratives) in the information space, from vertical to horizontal interaction with internal and external audiences. Emphases are shifting to the involvement of a wide range of institutions and other stakeholders in the implementation of information policy and delegation of powers from the center to the periphery, while preserving the main parameters of the policy established by state structures.

The research problem of the forms and characteristics of political subjectivity transformation within the framework of the new political world order formation is actualized in this article. The erosion of power, the legitimacy crisis of key political institutions, the rapid development of information technology and the accessibility of big data have resulted in entry threshold into politics and an increase in the influence of macro actors (non-institutionalized and initially non-political, mostly group-based). The concept of political subjectivity and the category of subjectlessness of politics as a phenomenon and a procedural characteristic require rethinking within political science. The aim of the publication was to conceptualize the political subjectivity and pre-title categories in the context of the key theoretical and methodological approaches of the interdisciplinary academic discourse. The understanding of political subjectivity within the framework of institutionalism, systems theory, post-bihevioralism and interest group theory, activist sociology and the actor-network theory is highlighted. It is paid an attention to the concept of the «death of the subject» in poststructuralism (M. Foucault), the categories of agency and habitus in structuralist constructivism (P. Bourdieu), the concept of inter-subjectivity in politics (H. Arendt, J. Habermas) and society as a set of practices (S. Muff, St. Laclau), the idea of rupture and interpassivity (S. Žižek) etc. The theory of capital conversion, which can be used to analyze the «profile of subjectivity» of political actors, is considered. The author’s definition of the categories of «political actor» and «political subject» is given. The authors conclude that the most optimal for the study of the subjectivity of political actors in the new world order is the synergistic paradigm, or complexity theory. According to this paradigm, if there are political actors (institutions, interest groups, individuals) in the political space, their influence on the transformation of the political space is possible at bifurcation points and has a random and unpredictable nature. The formation of a new world order as a nonlinear political process is characterized by the trend of subjectlessness as a general procedural characteristic. As a method for studying this trend, the method assemblage (J. Lo) as a process of «gathering» the objects of reality is suggested.

Зрілість державності завжди корелюється з міцністю самоідентифікації нації. Якість такої кореляції стає визначальною й часто вдосконалюється  під час випробувань. Події кінця 2013 – першої половини 2014 рр. в Україні викрили конфлікт між Державою та Суспільством, який мав наслідками руйнацію цілісності країни, війну в Донбасі, травму ідентичності прикордонних територій та виклик для територіальних громад. Рік після Майдану результує втратою території, наявністю невизнаної офіційним Києвом війни, внутрішнім конфліктом державної еліти, неузгодженістю функцій ВСУ та Нацгвардії., поширенням впливу антидержавних течій на південно-східних територіях та загрозою цілісності України. Невирішеність долі, статусу та перспектив окупованих територій в Україні загострює конфлікт Суспільства і Держави, активізує внутрішні непорозуміння між суспільними групами, владою та опозицією, аутентичними міфами та ситуативними стереотипами, політичним дизайном та соціальною реальністю.