Few studies to date have considered the agency of readers in reinterpreting the cultural, historical, political, and social background of the linguistic landscape (LL; visible language in public space) and the ways in which individual and collective identities are discursively conceptualised through the LL. In this article, we present results from a study involving participants from three self-described sociolinguistic identities (Francophone, Anglophone, and Bilingual), reading signs found in the LL of Montreal. Using photographic prompts, we questioned participants about the probable location of signs, their languages, and the languages’ placement on monolingual (French or English) and bilingual (French–English) signs emanating from both governmental and private entities. Further discussions about their emotive responses to the signs presented and the possible responses of “others” reveal the relative degrees of importance attached to these linguistic elements in constructing, negotiating, and communicating various and (more) fluid sociolinguistic identities.

It is widely accepted that in oral exchanges with, for example, family members, friends, and co-workers, speakers of Chilean Spanish alternate between verbal tuteo and verbal voseo. In this paper, drawing on a corpus of conversational interactions between relatives and friends from Santiago, I examine the relative frequency with which these speakers use verbal voseo in relation to verbal tuteo, and I explore the social and linguistic factors that determine the variation, paying particular attention to the parameters that affect the use of verbal voseo. In addition, I compare the distributions observed here with those observed in previous studies that base their analyses on corpora that contain less natural communicative contexts. The results indicate that, in spontaneous conversational interactions, the speakers use verbal voseo with a frequency much greater than the frequency with which they use verbal tuteo as well as the frequencies observed in previous studies. This, and the fact that verbal voseo is conditioned by an interaction between the gender and the age of the speakers, as well as by the specificity of their interlocutors, shows that speakers of Chilean Spanish born in Santiago assign covert prestige to verbal voseo.

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By means of a matched-guise study, this paper examines the attitudes of L2, heritage, and native Spanish speakers in the state of Washington toward Mexican-accented and English-accented Spanish. We interpret our findings in the wake of previous research on language attitudes and ideologies related to Spanish in the United States which shows that Spanish and those who speak it as a first or heritage language are thought to have a lower socioeconomic status than English and Anglophones. 97 Spanish-speaking participants residing in Washington (N=95) and the Pacific Northwest (N=2) rated 4 voices along six-point semantic differential scales falling into the dimensions of superiority, solidarity, language competence, and physical characteristics. We submitted mean scores to a linear mixed-effects model. Contrary to our expectations, all groups rated the Mexican-accented guises higher than the English-accented guises in the dimension of superiority. Also unforeseen, the L2 speakers rated the Mexican-accented voices higher in the dimension of solidarity. We consider the high level of education of the respondents and, for the L2 subjects, their experience as advanced Spanish language speakers, as likely explanations for the observed attenuation of well-documented prevailing stereotypes directed at Latinos from the monolingual community at large.

In this article, we provide further evidence that Bogotá Spanish is transitioning from being an extensively usted-using variety into one in which tú is preferred in informal interaction by analyzing survey data through a quantitative approach, and metalinguistic commentary through a qualitative approach. Our data show that tú is mainly thought of as a productive way to convey proximity. At the same time, our data show that, despite this change in second person preference, usted and sumercé persist in familiar address, albeit at rates considerably lower than tú. Usted is particularly frequent among males in same-gender dyads because it allows them to avoid the possible connotations of effeminacy that tú may have in that specific context. Sumercé is frequently selected in addressing older relatives and individuals from the countryside because it is seen as being capable of conveying respect and affection simultaneously. Moreover, sumercé is seen as a sign of local identity capable of distinguishing Bogotá Spanish from other national varieties with vos, which is marginal in our data. Our findings are best seen through the proposal that address forms may gain specific meanings within their particular context of use, despite having more conventional meanings attached to them.