Российский университет дружбы народов, Москва, Россия На данный момент в теории международных отношений определенный интерес вызывает кон-цепт «мягкой силы», введенный американским политологом Джозефом Наем-мл. Особое значение придает «мягкой силе» Китай, обладающий в настоящее время не только обширными экономиче-скими и политическими ресурсами, но и источниками несилового влияния. В статье авторы иссле-дуют такое понятие, как «буддийская дипломатия» и ее роль во внешнеполитической деятельно-сти КНР. Также было рассмотрено историческое становление буддизма и его развитие в качестве ресурса «мягкой силы» как одной из государственных китайских религий, входящей в синкрети-ческий комплекс, наряду с конфуцианством и даосизмом, в разные периоды китайской цивили-зации, начиная с доимперского периода и заканчивая современными реалиями. Были изучены взгляды отечественных и зарубежных специалистов о направлениях и сферах действия дипломатии буддизма и особенности ее проведения в жизнь китайским правительством. Исследование строилось на использовании исторического подхода и общенаучных методов, таких как анализ, синтез, дедук-ция и т.д. [Методические... 2015].В статье авторами выявлены современное положение религии на примере буддизма во внеш-неполитической стратегии Китая как на мировой арене, так и на региональном уровне и основные аспекты, в рамках которых развивается китайская буддийская дипломатия.Ключевые слова: буддизм, Китай, внешняя политика Китая, буддийская дипломатия В 1990 г. американский ученый Джозеф Най-мл. публикует свою первую статью «Soft power», посвященную такому теоретическому концепту, как «мягкая сила». Спустя годы данный концепт из теории превратился в реальную стратегию внешней политики многих государств, которые в погоне за укреплением своих позиций на мировой арене стремительно стали осваивать и реализовать свой «мяг-кий» потенциал. Джозеф Най-мл. говорил о трех возможных источниках «мягкой силы»: внешняя политика, культура и распространяемые государством ценно-сти [Nye 2004: 11]. В настоящее время количество и вариации источников неси-лового потенциала только увеличиваются, но важное место среди них занимает религия, являющаяся одним из наиболее действенных инструментов «мягкой си-лы» во внешней политике государств ввиду таких факторов, как долгосрочность, незаметность влияния и ценностно-идейная ориентация. Касается это, прежде все-го, таких традиционных религий, как христианство, ислам, буддизм и иудаизм. Особое внимание, по мнению авторов, следует уделить именно буддизму, что связано в первую очередь с тем, что данная религия руководствуется принци-пами ненасилия и согласия, мира и гармонии, которые составляют сущность буд-дизма и выступают в качестве залога несилового воздействия, чем и характеризу-ется «мягкая сила». На подобный потенциал буддизма в качестве долговременного и миролюбивого инструмента внешней политики уже давно обратило внимание

This article examines the main factors of the emergence of Indo-Pacific Strategy, the balance of powers between China and the United States in the Indo-Pacific Region, and their investment policy into contiguous countries of the region. Special attention is paid to contradictions between China and the United States in the region, as well as the impact of D. Trump’s Indo-Pacific Strategy upon U. S. relations with China. The article explores the main integration structures of Indo-Pacific Region, goals and tasks set before them. The novelty of this research is defined by fact that in incipient competition between the two countries for the leading positions in Indo-Pacific Region is traced in the advanced by China concept “One Belt, One Road” and U. S. strategy of “Free and Open Indo-Pacific”. The author comes to the conclusion that currently there is no unified integrated interregional authority that is capable of solving the entire range of problems faced by the countries of Indo-Pacific Region. However, the United States gradually lose its leading position in the region, yielding to PRC. China’s domestic reforms, aimed at improvement of interregional financial and economic ties, contribute to creation of a positive image of the country and strengthening of PRC’s position in the Indo-Pacific Region.

This article is devoted to the role of the territorial dispute in the South China sea in relations between China, Vietnam and India in the regional subsystem of Southeast Asia. The regional space under consideration is characterized by high economic dynamism and active integration processes, including participation of non-regional actors. Particular importance is attached to the positions of the three States on fundamental aspects that have a destructive impact on the development of regional processes. Attention is paid to the conceptualization of the policy of the three States in the waters of this sea. Following consideration of the problems the authors conclude that the intersection of the interests of the three countries in this sea threatens to exacerbate the fragility of the political and strategic landscape of the regional subsystem, registration open, but citizenries order on the space of the SCS. The article notes that the confrontational tone in relations between China, Vietnam and India brings with it many threats, in particular the clash of state interests in the energy plane, the arms race between the three nuclear powers (USA, India, China), which was accompanied by increased military presence of non-regional player (USA) in the region, complicated by territorial and historical conflicts.

The Article is devoted to the humanitarian cooperation between Russia and Vietnam in 1991-2019. Currently, Russia and Vietnam are united by the desire to structure the regional subsystem through joint participation in economic integration and strengthening the security system in the Asia-Pacific region. In this regard, the question of how Russia and Vietnam build bilateral relations, characterized as a comprehensive strategic partnership, is becoming more and more relevant. The most interesting is the humanitarian aspect of relations, since in the modern realities of globalization, in addition to the military and economic aspects of bilateral interaction between States that claim a significant role in the system of international relations, it is humanitarian imperatives that acquire special significance. By promoting their national culture in the partner country and developing bilateral ties in the fields of education, science, information, sports and tourism, the countries strengthen their bilateral relations, which allows them to coordinate their actions more confidently and realize their national interests at the global and regional levels. The purpose of the article is to identify trends in Russian-Vietnamese humanitarian relations in 1991-2019. To achieve this goal, an analysis of the legal framework of humanitarian relations between Russia and Vietnam was conducted, as well as the content of humanitarian relations between the two countries in the field of education, culture and humanitarian contacts. The authors considered the significance of the studied segment of bilateral relations in the national political and expert-analytical discourses of Russia and Vietnam. The article notes the existence of historical and organizational potential necessary for implementation in the Russian-Vietnamese humanitarian dialogue. The authors conclude that the humanitarian aspect plays an important role, since it is an integral part of bilateral relations and a promising component of the implementation of national interests.

In this article authors analyze sources and bases of political culture of Indonesia, reveal features of national approaches to the international relations, and also consider influence of national peculiarities on the international relations and foreign policy perception in Indonesia. The relevance of the study is due to a low degree of research of the influence of political culture, ideas, traditions and ideologies on the Indonesian foreign policy. The purpose of the research is to identify the characteristics and to analyze the development of Indonesian political thinking, the ideological and conceptual foreign policy foundations. This article is an interdisciplinary paper at the junction of the theory and history of international relations, cultural studies, sociology, ethnology. The authors apply a combination of system, comparative and historical (historical-genetic) method. Also, the authors rely on the school of constructivism in international relations. The results of the study are presented in the form of conclusions containing analysis of the influence of ideological, ethnic and political factors on the perception of international relations and world political processes by Indonesian society.