Corruption, Democracy, and Economic Growth

Drury, A. Cooper; Krieckhaus, Jonathan; Lusztig, Michael

doi:10.1177/0192512106061423

Cited by 216 publications

(147 citation statements)

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“…Concerning the hypothesis that there may not only be more corruption in autocracies, but that the impact of this corruption also may be stronger because corrupt practices will be more "ruthless", Drury et al (2006) find indeed that corruption has no significant effect on economic growth in democracies, but that corruption significantly reduces growth in non-democracies. Along the same line, Bhattacharyya and Hodler (2010) find that natural resources in a country can feed corruption when the quality of the democratic institutions is weak, while countries with strong democratic institutions do not suffer from this perverse link between natural resources and corruption.…”

Section: The Relationship Between Democracy and Corruption In The Datamentioning

confidence: 83%

“…In other words, it is the accountability of politicians to the citizens that control corruption. In authoritarian states this is not the case: the prediction therefore would be that corruption will be more ruthless in such countries (Drury et al, 2006). Recalling corrupt practices of dictators such as Mobuto, Suharto or Sani Abacha, and the evidence of the top 20 least corrupt countries being all democracies, seem to provide some anecdotal evidence for this.…”

Section: Awhy Democracy May Help In Controlling Corruption?mentioning

confidence: 99%

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Democracy and corruption

Boehm¹

2015

Dempresarial

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It's been revised the arguments linking democracy to the control of corruption starting from the often heard call for a "strong man", an autocrat that could give a country the needed stability and that could take the decisions required to get rid of corruption. Clearly, the call does not survive empirical scrutiny. Rather, the evidence shows a robust negative relationship between level of corruption and level of democracy. However, the evidence also shows that the potential of democracy in fighting corruption hinges upon a series of conditions, and that the mere existence of formal political competition through regular elections on its own is not enough. Keyword 76 RESUMENSe han revisado los argumentos que relacionan la democracia con el control de la corrupción, comenzando desde la llamada frecuente por un "hombre fuerte", un autócrata que pudiera darle al país la estabilidad necesaria y que pudiera tomar las decisiones requeridas para acabar con la corrupción. Claramente, la llamada no sobrevive a un escrutinio empírico. Más bien, la evidencia muestra una relación negativa sólida entre el nivel de corrupción y el nivel de democracia. Sin embargo, la evidencia también muestra que el potencial de la democracia en la lucha contra la corrupción depende de una serie de condiciones y que la mera existencia de una competencia política formal a través de las elecciones regulares, no es suficiente en sí misma.Palabras clave: Democracia, corrupción, elecciones, políticos. RESUMOTem sido revisto os argumentos que ligam a democracia ao controle da corrupção a partir da chamada muitas vezes ouvi de um "homem forte", um autocrata que poderia dar a um país a estabilidade necessária e que poderia tomar as decisões necessárias para se livrar da corrupção. Claramente, a chamada não sobreviver a um escrutínio empírico. Em vez disso, a evidência mostra uma relação negativa entre o nível robusto de corrupção e nível de democracia. No entanto, a evidência mostra também que o potencial da democracia no combate à corrupção depende em cima de uma série de condições, e que a mera existência de uma concorrência política formal através de eleições regulares sobre a sua própria, não é suficientePalavras chave: 1. Introdução, 2. Vinculação entre democracia e corrupção, 3. A evidência empírica, 4. Conclusão.

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Section: The Relationship Between Democracy and Corruption In The Datamentioning

confidence: 83%

Section: Awhy Democracy May Help In Controlling Corruption?mentioning

confidence: 99%

Democracy and corruption

Boehm¹

2015

Dempresarial

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“…Thus corrupt incumbents may lose votes but not enough to deny them reelection, as long as they keep the level of corruption in check and do not allow it to damage overall economic performance significantly. This may explain why the level of corruption is lower in democratic countries, as Pellegrini and Gerlagh (2008) and Lederman et al (2005) find, and why its harm on economic growth is less, as Drury et al (2006) point out.…”

Section: Review Of Corruption Literaturementioning

confidence: 94%

Voter reaction to government incompetence and corruption related to the 1999 earthquakes in Turkey

Akarca

Tansel

2016

Journal of Economic Studies

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Standard-Nutzungsbedingungen:Die Dokumente auf EconStor dürfen zu eigenen wissenschaftlichen Zwecken und zum Privatgebrauch gespeichert und kopiert werden.Sie dürfen die Dokumente nicht für öffentliche oder kommerzielle Zwecke vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, öffentlich zugänglich machen, vertreiben oder anderweitig nutzen.Sofern die Verfasser die Dokumente unter Open-Content-Lizenzen (insbesondere CC-Lizenzen) zur Verfügung gestellt haben sollten, gelten abweichend von diesen Nutzungsbedingungen die in der dort genannten Lizenz gewährten Nutzungsrechte. Terms of use: Documents in EconStor may be saved and copied for your personal and scholarly purposes.You are not to copy documents for public or commercial purposes, to exhibit the documents publicly, to make them publicly available on the internet, or to distribute or otherwise use the documents in public. licence. www.econstor.eu The Institute for the Study of Labor (IZA) in Bonn is a local and virtual international research center and a place of communication between science, politics and business. IZA is an independent nonprofit organization supported by Deutsche Post Foundation. The center is associated with the University of Bonn and offers a stimulating research environment through its international network, workshops and conferences, data service, project support, research visits and doctoral program. IZA engages in (i) original and internationally competitive research in all fields of labor economics, (ii) development of policy concepts, and (iii) dissemination of research results and concepts to the interested public. If the documents have been made available under an Open Content Licence (especially Creative Commons Licences), you may exercise further usage rights as specified in the indicated D I S C U S S I O N P A P E R S E R I E SIZA Discussion Papers often represent preliminary work and are circulated to encourage discussion. Citation of such a paper should account for its provisional character. A revised version may be available directly from the author.IZA Discussion Paper No. 9162 June 2015 ABSTRACT Voter Reaction to Government Incompetence and Corruption Related to the 1999 Earthquakes in Turkey *Two major earthquakes which struck northwestern Turkey in 1999 exposed rampant corruption involving construction and zoning code violations. The government's relief efforts were tainted by corruption as well, and exhibited a great deal of incompetence. How voters responded to these in the next election held in 2002 is investigated. The fact that different group of parties were responsible for the construction of the shoddy buildings, and for the corruption and mismanagement related to relief, provided us with a unique opportunity to determine whether and how the electorate punished the culprits for each of these. Vote equations are estimated for the seven major political parties. These are fitted to crossprovincial data individually, using OLS, Robust Regression methods, and Seemingly Unrelated Regressions procedures. The same picture emerg...

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“…Una respuesta puede ser que a la gente le interesa el desempeño efectivo de gobierno con independencia de que los políticos estén obteniendo beneficios privados de las finanzas públicas. Al respecto, existe evidencia de que la corrupción en democracia no inhibe el crecimiento económico, por lo que podría ocurrir que convivan corrupción con buen desempeño (Drury et al, 2006). En los años analizados salvo 2009, los electores bolivianos se diferencian del resto de latinoamericanos por no vincular su satisfacción con la democracia y su percepción de la corrupción.…”

Section: Latinoamericanos 43unclassified

Bolivia: nuevo sistema electoral presidencial y coordinación política de los partidos

Torrico¹

2015

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ResumenEl presente artículo analiza los incentivos de los sistemas electorales presidenciales en Bolivia. El sistema que estuvo vigente hasta 2005 impulsó la formación de coaliciones de gobierno con el fin de otorgar al Ejecutivo mayoría en el Congreso. Dichas coaliciones fueron perdiendo la confianza del electorado, el cual desde inicios de los noventa buscó opciones políticas alternativas a los partidos más importantes, dando origen a una insatisfacción social con la democracia que desembocaría en la renuncia de Sánchez de Lozada y, posteriormente, el triunfo de Evo Morales. El nuevo sistema electoral para elegir presidente, contenido en la Constitución aprobada en 2009, incrementa las probabilidades de que el Ejecutivo electo no cuente con mayoría legislativa, escenario que en el pasado ha provocado crisis política y la anticipación de elecciones. En un contexto actual más favorable caracterizado por una mayor satisfacción con la democracia y con los partidos, el reto de éstos es tomar decisiones incluyentes, algo inédito en la política boliviana. AbstractThis article analyzes the incentives generated by presidential electoral systems in Bolivia. The system that was in place until 2005 led to the formation of coalition governments that aimed at giving the Executive the majority in Congress. However, these coalitions gradually lost the electorate confidence, and citizens sought alternative political options to major parties from the early nineties on, giving rise to a social dissatisfaction with democracy. This, in turn, led to the resignation of Sánchez de Lozada and, later, to the triumph of Evo Morales. The new electoral system for electing the president, included in the 2009 Constitution, increases the likelihood that the elected government does not have a majority in Congress. Similar situations in the past led to political crisis and anticipation of elections. In a more favorable context characterized by greater satisfaction with democracy and their parties, the challenge is to take decisions inclusively, something unprecedented in Bolivian politics. Palabras clave: Bolivia, sistemas electorales, relaciones ejecutivo-legislativo, partidos políticos, percepciones políticas, diseño institucional.

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Corruption, Democracy, and Economic Growth

Cited by 216 publications

References 43 publications

Democracy and corruption

Democracy and corruption

Voter reaction to government incompetence and corruption related to the 1999 earthquakes in Turkey

Bolivia: nuevo sistema electoral presidencial y coordinación política de los partidos

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