Democratization Processes in East Central Europe: A Theoretical Reconsideration

Abstract

This article explores various dimensions of the issue of transition to democracy in East Central Europe, focusing on the question of how past experiences shape the process of political change and on the limits of democratization in the region. The first part reviews scholarly debates on the relationship between the political crisis and processes of democratization in the region, arguing that new analytical categories are needed to account for different dimensions of the current transition process. The second part proposes a new framework for analysing changing relations between the party–state and society across time and in different state-socialist societies. The third part examines some recent political developments in countries of the region in order to identify those factors that may contribute to or impede a possibility of the transition to democracy in these countries. It concludes that in all East Central European countries the rapid collapse of party–states and the multidimensional social, political and economic crisis has initiated a parallel process of diminution of power of both the state and civil society, which may significantly endanger the transition to a democratic political order.

Mapping Political Support in the 1990s: A Global Analysis

“…In possible contrast, however, the newer democracies, and especially those in Central and Eastern Europe, are suffering stress because they have to cope with simultaneous political and economic transformations. Under these circumstances, arguments that predict a return to authoritarian rule or anarchy command some plausibility (for example, Ekiert, 1991). Despite this plausibility, empirical analyses (especially those reported by Mishler and Rose 1994, 1997 demonstrate that citizens of Central and Eastern European countries are prepared to face that double challenge.…”

Post‐unification dissatisfaction, or why are so many East Germans unhappy with the new political system?

“…Even the elites of the successful opposition movements became subject to disaggregation into groups with diverging cultural orientations -between the poles of national traditionalism and a liberal republicanism, as well as in the tension between working-class culture and a cosmopolitan intellectual milieu -thus diminishing their impact on the ongoing transformations. 35 Taken altogether, the legacy thesis claims the existence of a value clash between the 'eastern' and the 'western' political cultures. 36 Of course, applying this thesis to east Germany would not bring about exactly the same outcomes as in other ECE countries.…”

“…Here, we envisage a demarcation line between age groups that are by and large satisfied with the given conditions and those that more often than not display disappointment. 39 While the youngest persons (18)(19)(20)(21)(22)(23)(24) appear only moderately convinced by the changes in their socio-political environment (the reasons of which would probably have more to do with age than with system change), middle age groups (25)(26)(27)(28)(29)(30)(31)(32)(33)(34)(35)(36)(37)(38)(39)(40)(41)(42)(43)(44) report a significantly positive balance. On the other hand, older persons (45-59) present themselves more satisfied with the previous circumstances.…”

“…The experiences with influence change in less remote spheres of action are obviously more articulated than the assessments of 'general' changes in the remote institutional system. Whatever experience members of the age groups 45-59 and 60+ had after unification, their assessments diverge considerably from those of the [35][36][37][38][39][40][41][42][43][44] year-olds: by 23.1 percentage points in local politics, 21.7 points in workplace affairs, and 16.6 points in associational activity. 40 On the basis of these findings, we are entitled to dismiss the 'rising expectation' explanations of PUD.…”

Paying for Lenin's illusions: The economic dimension of Soviet foreign policies

“…Thus, political reform unaccompanied by a thoroughgoing parallel socio-economic reform raises the specter in the USSR and Eastern Europe that the reform coalitions will fragment and that antireformers will come to power. 119 The potential for such coalitions already exists in the USSR. The leadership's Downloaded by [University of Calgary] at 06:46 04 February 2015…”