Validity of Web-Based Psychological Research

Krantz, John H.; Dalal, Reeshad S.

doi:10.1016/b978-012099980-4/50003-4

Cited by 348 publications

(307 citation statements)

References 23 publications

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“…The Web data come from visitors to a noncommercial, advertisement-free Web site, outofservice.com (see Srivastava, John, Gosling, & Potter, 2003, for details Krantz & Dalal, 2000).…”

Section: Web Datamentioning

confidence: 99%

Should We Trust Web-Based Studies? A Comparative Analysis of Six Preconceptions About Internet Questionnaires.

Gosling

Vazire

Srivastava

et al. 2004

American Psychologist

2,456

1,612

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“…The Web data come from visitors to a noncommercial, advertisement-free Web site, outofservice.com (see Srivastava, John, Gosling, & Potter, 2003, for details Krantz & Dalal, 2000).…”

Section: Web Datamentioning

confidence: 99%

Should We Trust Web-Based Studies? A Comparative Analysis of Six Preconceptions About Internet Questionnaires.

Gosling

Vazire

Srivastava

et al. 2004

American Psychologist

2,456

1,612

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

“…Concerning our use of a Web-based sample, data collected from Webbased samples have been found to be trustworthy estimates of true abilities, given appropriate subject filtering methods as were used in the present study (26)(27)(28). Data collected from www.testmybrain.org, in particular, have been found to be highly reliable (30); to yield laboratory-replicated developmental, aging, and individual differences effects (29,30,38,39); and to be comparable to data gathered in traditional laboratory-based samples on performance-related metrics (30,39).…”

Section: Methodsmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Before taking this ANS dots test, participants filled out a questionnaire agreeing to participate, and reported on their age and their own internal sense of how well they performed relative to their peers in a variety of school subjects (e.g., school mathematics, science, writing, etc.). Previous results have demonstrated the reliability of Web-based samples, the efficacy of Web-based recruiting, and the convergence of Web-based and laboratory-based estimates of psychological performance metrics (26)(27)(28)(29)(30). For example, Web-based samples have recently been used to reveal cross-cultural universals in circadian rhythms as well as individual differences (31), and changes in cognitive abilities across the lifespan (29).…”

mentioning

confidence: 99%

Number sense across the lifespan as revealed by a massive Internet-based sample

Halberda

Wilmer

et al. 2012

Proc. Natl. Acad. Sci. U.S.A.

444

437

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It has been difficult to determine how cognitive systems change over the grand time scale of an entire life, as few cognitive systems are well enough understood; observable in infants, adolescents, and adults; and simple enough to measure to empower comparisons across vastly different ages. Here we address this challenge with data from more than 10,000 participants ranging from 11 to 85 years of age and investigate the precision of basic numerical intuitions and their relation to students' performance in school mathematics across the lifespan. We all share a foundational number sense that has been observed in adults, infants, and nonhuman animals, and that, in humans, is generated by neurons in the intraparietal sulcus. Individual differences in the precision of this evolutionarily ancient number sense may impact school mathematics performance in children; however, we know little of its role beyond childhood. Here we find that population trends suggest that the precision of one's number sense improves throughout the schoolage years, peaking quite late at ∼30 y. Despite this gradual developmental improvement, we find very large individual differences in number sense precision among people of the same age, and these differences relate to school mathematical performance throughout adolescence and the adult years. The large individual differences and prolonged development of number sense, paired with its consistent and specific link to mathematics ability across the age span, hold promise for the impact of educational interventions that target the number sense.aging | analog magnitude | approximate number system | cognitive development | ensemble representation A lthough the particulars of our minds may differ from person to person, some aspects of cognition are close to our corethey are universally shared, present in the young, and actively engaged throughout our lifetimes (1, 2). Investigating developmental changes in these core systems may present us with a picture of how the mind transforms from infancy to senescence. Here we investigated change in the approximate number system (ANS), the cognitive system that gives rise to our basic numerical intuitions (3). The ANS generates nonverbal representations of numerosity in nonhuman animals (4, 5), infants (6, 7), school-aged children (8-10), and adults from mathematically fluent cultures (11,12) as well as cultures that do not practice explicit mathematics (13,14). In humans, imaging results suggest that these basic intuitions are supported by neurons in the intraparietal sulcus (15-18), a role that can be observed shortly after birth (19). Given the phylogenetically widespread occurrence of this primitive cognitive resource, the ANS might make little or no contact with the formal mathematical abilities that humans struggle to master and that no other animals acquire (20). Alternatively, this system may be a critical foundation upon which formal mathematical abilities are constructed (21,22). Although some evidence suggests a link between the ANS and formal mathemat...

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“…Research conducted via the World Wide Web has the advantage of reaching a large number of potential participants and capturing significant diversity with regard to age and background (Davis, 1999;Krantz & Dalal, 2000;Reips, 2000). Although the conditions under which web-based measures are administered are less controlled than those typical of paper-and-pencil methods, studies employing the same instruments on the web and in person indicate that properly designed web-based versions perform well (Buchanan & Smith, 1999;Davis, 1999).…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Disgust sensitivity and meat consumption: a test of an emotivist account of moral vegetarianism

Fessler¹,

Arguello²,

Mekdara³

et al. 2003

Appetite

167

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Emotivist perspectives on moral reasoning hold that emotional reactions precede propositional reasoning. Published findings indicate that, compared with health vegetarians, those who avoid meat on moral grounds are more disgusted by meat [Psychol. Sci. 8 (1997) 67]. If, as per emotivist perspectives, such disgust precedes moral rationales for meat avoidance, then the personality trait of disgust sensitivity should generally be inversely related to meat eating. We surveyed 945 adults regarding meat consumption, reasons for meat avoidance, and disgust sensitivity. Contrary to the emotivist prediction, (a) meat consumption was positively correlated with disgust sensitivity, and (b) individuals who reported avoiding meat for moral reasons were not more sensitive to disgust than those who avoided meat for other reasons. We conclude that moral vegetarianism conforms to traditional explanations of moral reasoning, i.e. moral vegetarians' disgust reactions to meat are caused by, rather than causal of, their moral beliefs. q

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Validity of Web-Based Psychological Research

Cited by 348 publications

References 23 publications

Should We Trust Web-Based Studies? A Comparative Analysis of Six Preconceptions About Internet Questionnaires.

Should We Trust Web-Based Studies? A Comparative Analysis of Six Preconceptions About Internet Questionnaires.

Number sense across the lifespan as revealed by a massive Internet-based sample

Disgust sensitivity and meat consumption: a test of an emotivist account of moral vegetarianism

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