In October 2018, Brazil held general elections in which new senators, federal representatives, state representatives, governors, and the new president of the republic were chosen. The singularity of the context surrounding the elections is evident: the call occurred two years after a presidential impeachment linked to a state coup which consolidated the ascent of populist forces from the right and which initiated a series of regressions in social rights, criminalization of progressive activism, and increase of police violence. As a result, in the presidential elections, populist candidates and discourses of hate became popular, targeting historically marginalized social groups within the country (women, African-Brazilians, LGBTQIs – Lesbians, Gays, Bisexuals, Transgenders, Queers, Intersex – working class, rural communities, and the indigenous populations). This essay examines the presidential proposals or positions towards the aforementioned groups, paying particular attention to speeches of right-populist candidates, especially those made by Jair Bolsonaro, chosen in a runoff election.

Scholars have only recently started paying attention to the involvement and contribution of women in the social-political arena. In several institutions, the so-called "gender studies" are not exactly welcomed and it is not rare to fi nd that specialists in the fi eld are secretly marginalized. Examining the variety of existing social theories, we can clearly see that the female role lacks in space in political analysis and this situation is not easily addressed. This article intends to contribute to the efforts to increase the body of studies regarding women's institutional presence in politics and their participation as candidates in local municipal elections. The article is also aimed at analyzing the input of women in the local legislative branch and their improvement/effi ciency in the Town Hall (Câmara dos Vereadores) elections in the last three polls. The comparative perspective is the method of choice, and the focus rests on the 2008 elections, however the 2004 and 2000 polls will also be studied. The variables used are electoral systems, social, economical and cultural factors, as well as other political aspects.

Con la investidura de Mauricio Macri como presidente de Argentina en 2015, se inició un ciclo electoral en América Latina que parecía poner fin a la llamada «marea rosa» de gobiernos progresistas de izquierdas que habían dominado la región desde principios del nuevo milenio. Hasta entonces, la izquierda había centrado mayoritariamente la atención académica, por lo que apenas existían trabajos sobre la derecha (algunas excepciones son Palau, 2010; Domínguez et al., 2011; Vonmaro y Moressi, 2015). Ha sido a partir de este giro electoral que han ido apareciendo trabajos con la derecha como objeto de estudio (véanse, por ejemplo, López Sagrera, 2016; Colombia Internacional, 2019 Luna y Rovira Kaltwasser, 2014; y, reseñados en este volumen, Cannon, 2016; Bohoslavsky et al., 2019). Sin embargo, la mayor parte de esta literatura adopta o bien una perspectiva principalmente política, centrándose sobre todo en las instituciones y los partidos políticos (a saber, Luna y Rovira Kaltwasser, 2014; Vonmaro y Moressi, 2015; Colombia Internacional, 2019), o bien sigue un enfoque más sociológico o histórico, enfatizando el papel de las autoridades de facto –la Iglesia, los medios de comunicación, las empresas (agrícolas e industriales) y el Ejército–, así como las influencias transnacionales, especialmente de los Estados Unidos (Domínguez et al., 2011; Cannon, 2016; Bohoslavsky et al., 2019.

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