Social and Political Change

Heath, Anthony; Jowell, Roger; Curtice, John; Evans, Geoff; Field, Julia; Witherspoon, Sharon

doi:10.1016/b978-0-08-037256-3.50006-4

Cited by 59 publications

(27 citation statements)

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“…The left-right (or socialist-laissez faire) distinction, based upon economic class structures, has long been the core axis underpinning party contestation and voter alignment in post-war British politics (Sanders 1999;Heath et al 1991). Although British political parties have recently divided over social and moral issues (such as the "culture wars" and concerns and immigration), the left-right ideological cleavage remains highly salient.…”

Section: Ideologymentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Specific areas of policy debate which have been long-standing aspects of broader left-right contestation in British society include the level of taxation and government spending on welfare services (Heath et al 1991). Research in Britain has found that Anglicans are more likely than other religious groups to be both politically to the right and anti-welfare (Clements 2015).…”

Section: Policy Preferencesmentioning

confidence: 99%

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“Religious Nones” in the United Kingdom: How Atheists and Agnostics Think about Religion and Politics

Clements

Gries

2016

Politics and Religion

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Abstract:The decline in religious identification and corresponding increase in the unaffiliated has been one of the most important religious changes in the United Kingdom (UK). The emergence of the "religious nones" is the most obvious sign of continuing secularization and the declining social and cultural relevance of religion. Yet while the religiously-unaffiliated often form the plurality -if not sometimes the majority -in many surveys, there has been little scholarly investigation into atheists, agnostics, and others who do not 'Religious Nones' in the UK 2 identify with a particular religion. This article uses a 2014 survey of UK adults to examine how those who identify as atheist or agnostic differ from the religiously-affiliated in terms of religiosity, ideology, and policy preferences.Findings reveal secular groups in the UK to be more to the ideological left than the religiously affiliated, and that atheists and agnostics differ from each other and especially the religiously affiliated on policy.

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Section: Ideologymentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Policy Preferencesmentioning

confidence: 99%

“Religious Nones” in the United Kingdom: How Atheists and Agnostics Think about Religion and Politics

Clements

Gries

2016

Politics and Religion

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“…Mobility processes may therefore have important consequences for levels of class polarization, and they may help to explain both over-time and cross-national variations in class voting (De Graaf and Ultee 1990;Heath et al 1991;Nieuwbeerta 1995). In particular higher absolute rates of mobility may be expected to reduce class polarization by increasing the proportion of mobile voters with intermediate propensities to support the left (which we term compositional effects) and also by weakening class solidarity and pulling even the nonmobile voters toward the center (which we term the contextual effects on the immobile).…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Class Mobility and Political Preferences: Individual and Contextual Effects

Graaf¹,

Nieuwbeerta²,

Heath³

1995

American Journal of Sociology

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164

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The authors test several hypotheses about the impact of intergenerational class mobility on political party preferences. Tests using cross-national data sets representing Britain, the Netherlands, Germany, and the United States over the period 1964-90 suggest a process of acculturation to the class of destination. The authors hypothesized that a class with a high degree of demographic identity influences newcomers more than a class with low demographic identity does and that, the more left-wing inflow there is into a class, the more likely the immobile members are to have left-wing political preferences. The data did not confirm these hypotheses. A macro analysis does, however, show that the level of class voting is weakened by a compositional mobility effect.

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“…The few available British studies also lend some support to these findings (Heath et al 1993;Harding et al 1986;Phillips and Harding 1985;Gerard 1985). For example, Phillips and Harding (1985), in an investigation of the association between religious identification and moral attitudes, not only demonstrated that religious independents (individuals reporting no religious identification) were much less likely to hold a traditional attitude towards abortion than their religiously affiliated colleagues, but this was also the case when attitudes towards divorce, or sexual tolerance was considered.…”

Section: Religion Identification and Moral Attitudesmentioning

confidence: 63%

Religious Identification and Moral Attitudes: The British Case

Hayes¹

1995

The British Journal of Sociology

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JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org.. Wiley-Blackwell andThe London School of Economics and Political Science are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to The British Journal of Sociology. ABSTRACTBritish society is currently embroiled in a variety of controversial social issues. An identifiable set of these disputes concerning artificial insemination, AIDS victims homosexual rights, and pornography are all debated as moral issues. This study examines the impact of religious identification on public attitudes in relation to these moral issues. The results show a marked variation in patterns of religious identification and significant differences in relation to moral attitudes. Religious non-affiliates are more supportive of AIDS victims, less disapproving of homosexuals, and less likely to espouse a more conservative view in relation to either artificial insemination methods or pornography than their religious affiliates. Multivariate analyses, however, suggests that religious identification only affects certain types of moral issues, namely attitudes towards AIDS victims, homosexuals, and pornography. When various other factors are controlled, religious non-affiliates are generally more supportive of AIDS victims, homosexuals, and the public availability of pornography than religious affiliates. Furthermore, with the one exception of pornography, this relationship remained regardless of whether Independent Apostates or Stable Independents are considered. Thus, for these issues at least, it is the lack of religious identification per se, or current religious independence, which constitutes one primary factor in explaining moral attitudes. INTRODUGTIONThe issue of moral values has intensified in Britain over the last decade. Rising divorce rates, one-parent families, abortion, homosexuality, and pornography have all been cited as indices of a nation facing moral and religious collapse. Moral conservatives struggle with liberal modernists over these issues in popular media, political arenas, BJS Vofuteno.46 Issueno.3 Sq1995 ISSN0007-1315 )LondonSchoofofEconomscsl995

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Social and Political Change

Cited by 59 publications

References 0 publications

“Religious Nones” in the United Kingdom: How Atheists and Agnostics Think about Religion and Politics

“Religious Nones” in the United Kingdom: How Atheists and Agnostics Think about Religion and Politics

Class Mobility and Political Preferences: Individual and Contextual Effects

Religious Identification and Moral Attitudes: The British Case

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